LETTERS OF
QUEEN MARGARET OF ANJOU
AND
BISHOP BECKINGTON
AND OTHERS.
WRITTEN IN THE REIGNS OF HENRY V. AND HENRY VI.
FROM A MS. FOUND AT EMRAL IN FLINTSHIRE,
EDITED BY CECIL MONRO, ESQ.
PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXIII.
^
: ' C
WESTMINSTER :
PRINTED BY JOHN BOWYER NICHOLS AND SONS,
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.
[NO. LXXXVJ.]
COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1863-64.
President,
THE MOST HON. THE MARQUESS OF BRISTOL, F.S.A.
ARTHUR ASHPITEL, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A. Treasurer.
JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A. Director.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD FARNHAM.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. LL.D.
THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A.
JOHN MACLEAN, ESQ. F.S.A.
SIR FREDERIC MADDEN, K.H. F.R.S.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas.S.A.
WILLIAM SALT, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary.
WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. F.S.A.
HIS EXCELLENCY M. VAN DE WEYER, D.C.L., Hon. F.S.A.
The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society's publications; the Editors
of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGB
I. A Letter to King Henry the Fifth from one of his
Chaplains, immediately after the Battle of Agin-
court ........ 1
II. A Letter to King Henry the Fifth, written from the
Council of Constance ..... 7
III. A Letter from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to
one of high rank in England, respecting a pre-
sentation of Thomas Polton to the Prebend of
Swords 12
IV. A Letter from the Treasurer of Calais to Henry V. 14
V. A Letter from the Treasurer of Calais to the King 15
VI. A Letter from King Henry V. to the Lieutenant
and Treasurer of Calais . . . . . 17
VII. A Letter to King Henry V. from the Lieutenant
and Treasurer of Calais . . . . . 18
VIII. A Letter to King Henry V. from an Officer having
the charge of Public Works at Calais . . 19
IX. A Letter from certain Officers at Calais to the King 21
X. A Letter from the same Officers to the Duke of
Bedford 23
XI. A Petition by J. B. (a suspected Lollard) to King
Henry V 24
XII. A Letter from the Sovereign to . . 28
XIII. A Declaration or Memorandum of Thomas Rowley 29
XIV. A Letter from to Richard Flemmyng,
Bishop of Lincoln . . . . . , 81
CONTENTS.
PAGE
XV. A Letter from an Officer at Calais on behalf of him-
self and others to the Duke of Bedford . . 34
XVI. A Letter from the Duke of Bedford to the Officers
at Calais ........ 38
XVII. A Letter from Richard Bokeland to .
XVIII A Letter from to Richard Bokeland . . 41
XIX. A Letter from Richard Bokeland to Richard Wydvile 42
XX. A Letter from R. B., a Member of the Council of
the Duke of Bedford, excusing himself from
coming to Parham, on the ground of important
business concerning the Duke his Master . . 43
XXI. A Letter from J. B. to the Officer holding the sub-
sidy of Wools (probably) at Calais ... 45
XXII. A Royal Letter to the Mayor and Aldermen of Lon-
don, recommending a Clerk for the next avoidance
of the Parish Church of St. Peter in Cornhill . 46
XXIII. A Letter to the Abbot of Abingdon
XXIV. A Letter from one of Ducal Rank, respecting Jewels
of his in Pawn to Merchants at Bruges . . 47
XXV. A Letter from Cardinal Beaufort to E. L. B. . 48
XXVI. A Letter from E. L. B. to Cardinal Beaufort . 50
XXVIL A Letter from E. L. B. to the Duke of Bedford . 51
XXVIII. A Letter from Cardinal Beaufort to John Duke of
Bedford 52
XXIX A Letter to the Abbot of Westminster
XXX. A Mandate from the King to the Lord Privy Seal,
commanding him to direct Letters to the Lord
Chancellor of England, that he issue a Conge"
d'Elire to the Prior and Convent of the Monas-
tery of Reading, on the death of Thomas Henley,
the last Abbot thereof ..... 54
XXXI. A Mandate from the King to the Lord Privy Seal,
signifying the Royal Assent to the Election of
John Thorn, as Abbot of Reading ... 55
XXXII. Confirmation of John Thorn as Abbot of Reading . 56
CONTENTS. Vll
PAGE
XXXIII. A Letter from Henry VI. to Thomas Beckington,
Bishop of Bath and Wells .... 57
XXX IV. A Letter to the Lord Sudeley, Lord High Treasurer 58
XXXV. A Mandate, to the Lord Chancellor respecting the
Election of William Babyngton, D.D., as Abbot
of the Monastery of St. Edmundsbury, on the
death of William Curteys .... 59
XXXVI. Two Mandates to the Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, for a Cong d'Elire to issue to the
Prior and Convent of Walden, on the death of
John Horkesley, the last Abbot thereof, and for
the Confirmation of the new Abbot, Richard
Wilesey 60
XXXVII A Letter from the King (Henry VI.) to James Lord
Berkeley . 63
XXXVIII. A Letter from King Henry VI. to his Agent at
Rome, respecting William Westkarre, Doctor of
Theology - . 66
XXXIX. A Letter from the King to the Lady Strange . 67
XL. A Letter from the King to the Earl of Northumber-
land 68
XLI. A Letter to the Lord Zouch ....
XLII. A Letter from the King to . . . 69
XL1IL A Letter to Lord Suffolk 77
- XLIV. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to John Noreys 78
XLV. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to Lord Suffolk
XL VI. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to James Fenys 79
XLVII. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to Sir Edmund
Hungerford ...... 80
XL VIII. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to King
Henry VI
XLIX. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to the Lord
Chancellor 82
L. A Form of Letter from Thomas Beckington to Lord
Suffolk and to others 83
Vlii CONTENTS.
PAGE
LI. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to the Bishop of
Salisbury 84
LII. A Letter from Thomas Beckington to Sir John 85
LIIL A Letter from Thomas Beckington to Master John
Somerset .......
LIV. A Skeleton Letter from Thomas Beckington to King
Henry VI 86
LV. Litera missa per Dominum D. Secret. Duci Glouc.
LVI. Litera missa Cardinal! Angliae .... 87
LVII. Litera missa Cardinali Eboracensi ...
LVIII. Litera missa Cancellario Angl. .... 88
LIX. Litera missa Comiti Suff. .....
LX. A Letter by the Queen to R. Kent . . . 89
LXI. A Letter from the Queen to the Parker of Ware . 90
LXII. A Letter from the Queen to the Abbess of Shaftes-
bury, respecting the Promotion of her Chaplain,
' Michael Tregory 91
LXIII. A Letter from the Queen to Thomas Forest, Exe-
cutor of John Forest, late Dean of Wells . . 93
LXIV. A Letter from the Queen to the Master of St. Giles-
in-the-Fields, beside the City of London . . 95
LXV. A Letter from Queen Margaret to Dame Jane Carew 96
LXVI. A Letter from the King to the Queen . . , 98
LXVIL A Letter from the Queen to the Corporation of
London, touching Injuries done to her Tenants of
Enfield
LXVIII. A Letter from the Queen to the Archbishop of Can-
terbury 99
LXIX. A Letter from the Queen to the Keeper of Apchild
Park 100
- LXX. A Letter from the Queen to the Executors of Car-
dinal Beaufort . . . . . .101
LXXL A Letter from the Queen to the Abbess of Barking,
Essex 103
LXXII. A Letter from the Queen, acknowledging that Sir
CONTENTS. IX
PAGE
John Montgomery, Knight, holds Land of her in
Enfield as tenant in capite . . .104
LXXIII. A Letter from the Queen to the Keeper of Falborne
Park, or his Deputy there .... 105
^LXXIV. A Letter from the Queen to the Duke of Exeter . 106
LXXV. A Letter from the Queen to the Bailiff, etc. of her
Manor of Great Waltham . . . .108
LXXVI. A Letter from the Queen to the Earl of Northum-
berland 109
LXXVIL A Letter from the Queen to the Mayor and Sheriffs
of London . . . . . . .111
LXXVIII. A Letter from the Queen to John Somerton, one of
the Custuraers of Southampton . . .
LXXIX. A Letter from the Queen to Marmaduke Lumley,
Bishop of Carlisle 112
LXXX. A Letter from the Queen to the Mayor and Corpo-
ration of Southampton . . . . .113
LXXXI. A Letter from Queen Margaret to the Wife of a
Man of High Bank, thanking her for Assistance
given to George Assheby, Clerk of her Signet,
and requesting her further Benevolence . . 114
LXXXII. A Letter from the Queen to the Duke of Somerset 115
L XXXIII. A Letter from the Queen to her Wardrober . .
LXXXIV. A Letter from the Queen to the Archbishop of Can-
terbury 116
LXXXV. A Letter from the Queen to the Duchess of Somerset 117
LXXXVI. A Letter to the Duke of Somerset . . . 118
LXXXVIL A Letter from the Queen to the Bishop of Norwich 119
LXXX VIII. A Letter from the Queen to Master W[illiam]
S[croop] . .... 120
LXXXIX. A Letter from the Queen to the Bishop of Durham 121
XC. A Letter from the Queen to the Lord Bourchier . 122
XCI. A Letter from the Queen to the Officers of the
King's Ports, respecting Antony Hewet of Rome 1 23
XCIL A Letter from the Queen to the Abbot of St. Osy 124
CONTENTS.
PAGE
XCIII. A Letter from the Queen to Nicholas Straunge of
Iseldon (Islington) respecting the Marriage of
his Daughter Katherine . . . . .125
XCIV. A Letter from the Queen to Edmond Pyrcan, Squire 126
XCV. A Letter of Reproof from the Queen to Sir John
Forester, Knt. .......
XCVI. A Letter from the Queen to the Deputy of the
Keeper of the Privy Seal 128
XCVII. A Letter from the Queen to the Abbot and Convent
ofEamsey 129
XCVIIL A Letter from (most probably) the King to the
Prior of St. Mary Overies ....
XCIX.A Letter from the Queen to John Godwyn . . 131
C. A Letter from the Queen to the Lord Chancellor .
CI. A Letter from the Queen to Sir John Bourchier, Knt. 1 32
CII. A Letter from the Queen to the Park Keeper of
Pleshy ^134
-CIII. A Letter from the Queen to Master Gilbert Kymer,
Chancellor of Oxford and Dean of Wymborne
Minster .135
CIV. A Letter from the Queen to all Searchers, Custu-
mers, and Keepers of Ports, &c. . . . 136
CV. A Letter from the Queen to the Keeper of Shene
Park, or his Deputy there .... 137
CVI. A Letter from the Queen to the Bishop of Exeter . 138
CVII. A Letter from the Queen to the Abbot and Convent
of Peterborough ......
C VIII. A Letter from the Queen to the Mayor, Bailiffs,
and Commons of Coventry . . . . 139
CIX. A Letter from the Queen to the Steward of her
Lordships of Haseley and Periton . . .140
CX. A Letter from the Queen to Robert Hiberdon . 141
CXI. A Letter from the Queen to the Custumers of the
Port of Boston ......
~CXII. A Letter from the Queen to John Stanley, Squire - 142
CONTENTS. XI
PAGE
CXIII. A Letter to W. Chaterley, Yeoman of the Crown . 143
CXIV. A Letter to Sir John Denham, Knt. . . . 144
-CXV. A Letter from the Queen to certain Officers and
Tenants of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York . 145
CXVL A Letter from the Queen to the Lord Ferrers of Groby 146
CXVII. A Letter from the Queen in aid of Letters Patent of
Safe-conduct granted to Guille Alany, Master of
a Ship of Britany clept the Jenet . . .147
CXVIIL A Letter from the Queen to Thomas Brown, Squire 148
CXIX. A Letter from the Queen to the Lord Chancellor,
the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury . . . 149
CXX. A Letter from the Queen to Sir Edmond Ingoldes-
thorpe, Knight, touching Henry Chevele, a ser-
vant of his ....... 150
CXXI. A Letter from the Queen to Master Piers Stewkeley,
Warden of the College of Maidstone . . . 151
CXXII. A Letter from the Queen to William Gastrik or
Gaskryk, proposing a Match between his Daughter
and Thomas Fountains, Yeoman of the Crown . 152
CXXTII A Letter from the Queen to Thomas Bawlde, Squire 154
CXXIV. A Letter from the Queen to the Duke of Norfolk . 155
CXXV. A Letter from the Queen to the Bishop of Chester,
her Chancellor . . . . . .156
CXX VI. A Letter from the Queen to the Lord Chancellor,
Archbishop of Canterbury ....
CXX VII. A Letter from the Queen to Sir John Steward . 157
CXX VIII. A Letter from the Queen to John Gedney, Citizen
and Alderman of London . . . . .158
CXXIX. A Letter from the Queen to John Joyse, Squire,
Steward of Ashbourne . . . . .159
CXXX. A Letter from the Queen to the Archbishop of Can-
terbury . .... 160
CXXXI. A Letter from the Queen to the Sheriffs of London 161
CXXXII A Letter from the Queen to the Sheriffs that next
shall be of the City of London . . . .162
xn CONTENTS.
PAGE
CXXXIII. A Letter from the Queen to the Mayor of the City
of London . . . . . . . 163
CXXXIV. -A Letter from the Queen recommending Darne
Maud Everyngham to be Prioress of Nuneaton .
CXXXV. A Letter from the Queen to the Abbot and Convent
ofByland . . * 165
CXXXVI. A Mahometan Manifesto 166
PREFACE.
ANTIQUITIES have been defined by a great master to be " history
defaced, remnants of history, which have casually escaped the
shipwreck of time." a The documents contained in this volume are
emphatically "remnants," and, if they do not shed much light on
the history of the times to which they relate, they will be admitted
to be at least curious, from the celebrity of the writers, and from
their very age. These documents are not printed from originals, but
from an ancient MS. book containing copies, pronounced by com-
petent judges to have been made in the fifteenth century.
The book in question was accidentally found, in the year 1861,
amongst many other valuable documents, in a loft at Emral, the
ancient seat of the Puleston family in Flintshire. b
a Advancement of Learning, book ii.
b Emral is a fine old ivy-covered mansion about seven|Mi miles east of Wrexham,
surrounded by a moat, in the midst of an ancient park, through which a brook called
the Elphin flows, in a north-westerly direction, to the Dee. Adjoining the park to the
northward is the village of Worthenbury, a family living, of which the Rev. Theophilus
Puleston is the present rector. The Pulestons have resided uninterruptedly at Emral
ever since the early part of the fourteenth century. The name (Puleston), originally De
Pyvelisdon, seems always to have been pronounced, as it now is, Pilston. There are
extant two letters, one from Edmund Earl of Richmond, father of Henry VII., dated
in 1456, and the other from Jasper Earl of Pembroke, dated in 1470, both of which are
addressed " Rogero Pylston, armigero " (Archaeol. Cambrensis, vol. i. pp. 146, 147),
and Leland says, " Pilston, knight, hath much land yn Hanmere, but his chefe howse is
yn Worthembre paroche, at a place caullid Emerhaule." (Leland's Itinerary, vol. v. p. 31.)
CAMD. SOC. c
XIV PREFACE.
This manuscript was first brought under my notice by Frederick
Peake, Esq., of Gray's Inn Square, the family solicitor of the
Pulestons; and, at my request, I was, most kindly, entrusted with
it by the Rev. Theophilus Puleston, to whom I was previously
unknown, with permission to publish the whole, or such part of it
as I might think proper. Availing myself of Mr. Puleston's
courtesy, I am happy to be allowed to produce the work under
the auspices of the Camden Society.
The manuscript, which is in perfect preservation, may be de-
scribed as follows: It is a small folio, very nearly, but not quite,
of foolscap size, containing two hundred and twenty-seven pages.
The cover is of soft sheepskin, limp and inartificial, and somewhat
ragged at the sides. The paper is stout, of a good colour, not very
white; two water-marks, one a star of eight sharp points, another
of seven irregular and blunt points, pretty equally dividing the
book. The handwriting, which I believe to be the same throughout,
is thoroughly mediaeval, firm, with characters, for the most part,
distinct and well shaped. a
The contents of the book are very miscellaneous.
The earlier pages contain precedents of agreements, bonds, and
powers of attorney; the middle consists of the letters comprised in
this volume, with some other documents in an imperfect state;
and the remaining pages are devoted to accounts, deeds, and other
entries in Latin, Welsh, and English ; some extracts from religious
works in Latin; and some old receipts for curing the ailments of
horses and hawks.
The letters, which extend from p. 22 to p. 136 of the manuscript,
may be divided into three periods:
a All the letters are certainly written by the same person ; there may be some memoranda
at the beginning and end of the book by a different hand.
PREFACE. XV
1. Letters written during the reign of Henry the Fifth, and
during the reign of Henry the Sixth, before his marriage. This
period, comprising forty-two letters, extends from 1415 to about
1445.
2. Letters of Bishop Beckington, seventeen in number, written
for the most part in the month of June 1442, when, being then
the King's Secretary , a he was on the point of embarking as ambas-
sador to the Count of Armagnac.
3. Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou after her marriage, which
took place in 1445. This period embraces about ten years, com-
mencing very shortly after the royal marriage. b
The whole space of time covered by the letters may be stated,
roughly, at about forty years, beginning with the battle of Agin-
court, and ending with the commencement of the civil war popu-
larly known as " The Wars of the Roses."
I will now state the history of the manuscript, so far as I have
been able to gather it.
The words " Constat Johanni Edwards" are at the beginning,
within the cover, written in the same hand in which the body of
the volume is written; and in other books, found amongst the
Puleston MSS., and plainly of the same period, the same name is
found, with the addition of " Chirkland" I conclude, therefore,
that the transcriber and owner was John Edwards of Chirkland,
a Beckington was Secretary from June 1439 to July 1443, when he was made Keeper
of the Privy Seal (Acts of the Privy Council, vol. vi. pp. civ. cv. ; and Life of Beckington,
by Sir H. Nicolas, p. Ivi.) It is not known who succeeded him in his office of Secretary.
b The documents contained in this division are seventy- seven in number: seventy-five
letters of Queen Margaret, one letter from the King to the Queen, and the last document
in the book, which I have called a " Mahometan Manifesto. 1 ' Of the Queen's letters,
fifteen are dated from Windsor, fourteen from her " Manoir of Fleshy," and six from
Eltham. The dates of the remainder have not been preserved.
XVI PREFACE.
and that he lived in the fifteenth century. Amongst the Vaughan
MSS. in the possession of W. W. E. Wynne, Esq., of Peniarth, M.P.
for Merionethshire, is a pedigree showing that a connexion existed
between the House of Tudor and the Edwards family; and from
this pedigree it appears that, in the reign of King Henry the
Seventh, John Edwards was appointed Receiver of Chirkland by
the Crown, by Letters Patent bearing date the 2nd June, in the
13th year of that king. William Edwards of Plas Newydd, son
of John, was of the King's household, Keeper of the Black Park
(which is close to Chirk), and Constable of Chirk, by letters patent
dated 3rd Dec. 15 Hen. VII. He died in 1532. a The family of
Edwards continued to reside at or near Chirk during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, until, near the end of the seventeenth
century, an alliance took place between the families of Edwards and
Puleston by the marriage of Katherine, sole daughter and heir of
William Edwards of Chirk, with Sir Roger Puleston of Emral. b
On this occasion it was, as I conceive, that the manuscript volume
a See the MSS. of Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt, a Merionethshire antiquary of eminence,
in the possession of W. W. E. Wynne, Esq. Leland says, " At Chirk self be a few houses;
and there is, on a smaul hille, a mighty large and stronge castel, with dyvers towers, alate
welle repayred by Sir William Standeley, the Yerle of Darby's brother. There hath beene
2 parkes. One yet remaynith, caullid Blake Park." (Leland's Itinerary, vol. v. p. 31.) And,
amongst the " Gentilmen of Chirk " he enumerates " Edward's Sunne, dwelling not far
from Chirk Castel." (Ibid.} This was, no doubt, William the son of John Edwards.
Neither of the patents alluded to in the text appears to have been preserved. There is,
however, amongst the Ministers' Accounts at the Record Office, an entry of the payment to
John Edwards of his salary as Receiver of Chirk for one year ending Michaelmas 13
Hen. VII. That Welsh letters patent should not be found in England is not, I am told,
extraordinary. Carnarvon formerly had its own Record Office for Carnarvon, Merioneth,
and Anglesea. Some years since, the records were nearly all thrown into the Menai, or
sold to tailors, for measures.
b Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, p. 883.
PREFACE. XV11
containing the letters was brought, with many other family deeds
and papers, to Emral.
The family of Edwards of Chirk is said to be now extinct.*
But how are we to account for the possession by John Edwards
of Chirk of the original letters, which he transcribed into a book, in
the fifteenth century? I cannot satisfactorily account for it, but
I have a theory on the subject, which, in the absence of direct
knowledge, may be entitled to consideration.
There being a family connexion with the House of Tudor, and
John Edwards being in the service of the Crown, under Henry the
Seventh, we may, not unreasonably, conclude that he and his
family were Lancastrians. Chirk was a royal castle; and it is not
improbable that, in. one or more of the hurried journeys that Queen
Margaret and her ill-starred consort that "ruler not ruling"
were compelled to make, during the " Wars of the Roses," they
a Following William Edwards, who died in 1532, there was a John Edwards of Chirk
(probably a son of William), who died 4 and 5 Philip and Mary (1557). He was suc-
ceeded by his son John Edwards, who died 25 Eliz. (] 563),* and was followed by another
John Edwards, who with a son, also named John, defended a suit in Chancery, com-
menced against them in 1615 by Sir Thomas Middleton, knight, who purchased the
manor of Chirk of Lord St. John in 37 Eliz. (1595). [Extracted from what appears to be
the brief of defendants' counsel in Middleton v. Edwards in 1615, found at Emral.] At
this period the family of Edwards was Roman Catholic (Lansd. MS. No. 153, fol. 51), and
John Edwards, the elder defendant, then resident at Newhall or Plas Newydd, is described
in documents extant in the Court of Chancery (Sherborne v. Lloyde, 8th Sept. 1619,
Reg. Lib. A. 1618, fo. 1189); and also amongst the State Papers of the reign of James I.
(Domestic Series (Calendars), 16111618, pp. 191 and 220; and 1619 1623, pp. 104,
105, and 112,) as an obstinate popish recusant, convicted upon the Statute of Prsemunire,-
for refusing the oath of allegiance. His house at Chirk is picturesquely described as
surrounded by a moat, crossed by a drawbridge both in front and at the rear.
* The existence of the Edwards family at or near Chirk, in Queen Elizabeth's reign, is
attested by T. Churchyard in his poem on the " Worthines of Wales."
XV111 PREFACE.
may have occasionally spent a short time at Chirk. Some secretary,
chaplain, or other officer, in attendance on their persons, and who
had charge of the royal correspondence, may have unintentionally
left, or intentionally hidden, at Chirk, on being suddenly called
away, the letters of which he was the official depositary. This
theory would account for the letters being found, as they, or most
of them probably, were, at Chirk, when John Edwards entered
on his office there, in the reign of Henry the Seventh. Under
Edward the Fourth the penalties of treason were denounced and
executed against those who were guilty of having in their posses-
sion letters from the Queen. a But when I recollect the circumstances
of her life, and the energy with which she strove to uphold the
Lancastrian cause (which was her own), I cannot but think that her
correspondence with her partisans throughout England must, have
been considerable ; and I still hope that some more of it may be
recovered. It will be a matter of satisfaction to me if the present
publication, which is a proof that all her letters have not perished,
should lead to the discovery of others. The reign of Henry the Sixth
has been said to be amongst the darkest of our annals perhaps light
may yet be shed upon it. There are, I -am convinced, still many
muniment rooms, and other family repositories, in this country,
which have not been sufficiently searched; and, remembering the
R In Feb. 1461 (1 Edw. IV.), six noblemen and gentlemen were arrested on suspicion
of having received letters from Queen Margaret; and all except one were beheaded on
Tower Hill. Will. Wyrc. Annales Rerum Anglic. (Lib. Nig. Scacc.) vol. ii. p. 492
(Hearne). Sir Henry Ellis had not met with any of Queen Margaret's letters, but he
thought it probable that some must exist, either in English or French. (Original Letters,
2d series, vol. i. p. 94.) Miss Strickland goes much further; she says, "Of the many
private letters written by her, not even a copy of one appears to have been preserved."
(Lives of the Queens of England, vol. iii. p. 252, n. London, 1844). The present pub-
lication supplies an answer to this somewhat hazardous assertion.
PREFACE. XIX
singular chance which attended the discovery of the present letters,
I cannot despair.*
With regard to Bishop Beckington's letters, of which there are
seventeen in this volume, (with none of which Sir Harris Nicolas
was acquainted,) there does seem to be a glimmer of a reason why
they should have been found in North Wales. I find in the Acts
of the Privy Council, that, in the year 1444, he petitioned "that
money due on account of his embassy to Guienne might be paid to
him by the Chamberlain of North Wales that now is, or that for
the time shall be." b This seems to imply that he had some intimate
connexion with North Wales. It is observable that some of the
letters of Bishop Beckington, contained in this volume, bear marks
of coming from a book or register kept by the bishop's amanuensis
or private secretary. It seems to be a well ascertained fact that,
formerly, official persons deemed themselves at liberty to retain, as
their private property, documents, of which, at the present day,
they would be considered as having the custody only during their
tenure of office, and which therefore they would be bound to
deliver over to their successor. 6 Perhaps the amanuensis or private
secretary of Bishop Beckington was an Edwards, and an ancestor,
* See some remarks on the subject of MSS. in private depositories by Mr. Hardy, the
Deputy Keeper of Records, in the Preface to the first volume of his Catalogue of Materials
relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, p. Ixxi.
b Acts of Privy Council, vol. vi. p. 24.
c This custom seems to have been so thoroughly understood to be the rule of official
life, in former times, that to it is attributable, as is well remarked by Mr. Bruce in his
Letters between Queen Elizabeth and James VI. of Scotland, published by the Camden
Society (Preface, pp. i. and ii.), the finding in private repositories so many documents
which we should now consider public property. To its operation we may also attribute
the fact, that in the Court of Chancery no order book exists anterior to 1545, although the
office of Registrar is much more ancient. It is said that the earlier registrars considered
the books their own private property, and appropriated them accordingly.
XX PREFACE.
or near relation, of John Edwards of Chirk, who was Receiver of
Chirk under King Henry VII.
It is not, by any means, necessary that all the letters should
have to come to John Edwards from the same source. Those of
Bishop Beckington, and those of the reign of Henry the Fifth, and
of the earlier part of that of Henry the Sixth, may have been in his
possession, before he came to Chirk.
Nevertheless the question, how the originals came to the hands
of John Edwards, is involved in much obscurity.
I must not omit to mention, that John Edwards seems to have
copied the letters before him, without regard to their dates; and
that I have attempted to reduce them to something like chrono-
logical order with what success the reader will judge.
I have striven to identify the several persons named ; and, often
with unexpected success. Some names, however, have utterly
eluded every attempt I have made to discover anything relating
to them.
It only remains that I request the gentlemen, from whom I have
received so much and such kind aid, to accept my very sincere
thanks for their courtesy.
To Mr. Hardy, the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, and
to all the gentlemen of that department, with whom I have had
the pleasure of coming in contact, to the Rev. Joseph Stevenson,
to Mr. William Hardy of the Duchy of Lancaster office, and to
Mr. Courthope, Somerset Herald, I owe especial thanks.
I am also very much indebted to Mr. Carew of Exeter, to the
Rev. W. D. Macray of Magdalen College, Oxford, and to Mr.
Wynne of Peniarth, for information, which was most readily given,
and which I could not have obtained elsewhere.
PREFACE. XXI
Let me also offer to my distinguished friend M. Francisquc
Michel, whose reputation is European, my hearty thanks for his
zealous and never-failing advice and help.
I owe much to Mr. John Gough Nichols, for his suggestions, and
for his careful supervision of the text, while passing through the
press; and my thanks are also due to Mr. Cleghorn the engraver,
who has enabled me to prefix to Queen Margaret's letters her badge,
the daisy, copied from that splendid MS. volume in the British
Museum, usually called the Shrewsbury Book.
I am conscious that, in endeavouring to illustrate these letters,
I must, from want of leisure and imperfect knowledge, have com-
mitted many errors; where that is the case, I shall be very glad
to have them pointed out.
C. M.
Monken-Hadley,
July, 1863.
OAMD. SOC.
LETTERS
DURING
THE REIGNS OF HENRY V. AND HENRY VI.
I.
A LETTER TO KING HENRY THE FIFTH FROM ONE OF HIS
CHAPLAINS, IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE BATTLE OF AGINCOURT.
THIS letter from one of his chaplains to King Henry the Fifth was written,
as it appears to me, between the 25th of October 1415 (the day of the
battle of Agincourt) and the octave of St. Martin following, i.e. the 18th
of November of the same year. It contains many "swelling words of vanity,"
and much absurd declamation. It is, moreover, exceedingly obscure, and
the text is so corrupt, that I have been compelled, in one place, to desist
from the attempt to affix a meaning to it. It will be seen, however, through
the haze of words in which his meaning is almost stifled, that the writer con-
gratulates the King on having, within the space of nine weeks, taken Harfleur,
marched through a part of France, and, finally, fought a battle to which no-
thing which had hitherto occurred in history, whether sacred or profane, could
be compared. It was indeed a most glorious victory, obtained in a war of which
the main object, as remarked by a great living author, was " plunder.*" The
writer of the letter also mentions the great sickness which had prevailed in the
English army, and appears to allude to the term " Prince of Priests," which was
early ascribed to Henry on account of his subserviency to the clergy . b I am unable
a Lord Brougham's History of England and France, p. 99.
b Foxe's Acts and Monuments, vol. iii. pp. 397, 579 (ed. Townsend, 1844). The title
of c Christianissimus Ecclesice pugil ' was also applied to Henry the Fifth. See Acts and
Proceedings of the Privy Counci^, vol. iii. p. 3.
CAMD. SOC. B
2 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
to say who wrote this letter, but I have sometimes felt inclined to suspect that
it was Henry Bishop of Winchester, afterwards Cardinal Beaufort, the King's
uncle, and, at this time, Lord Chancellor. It somewhat resembles a speech of
his to the Parliament (Parl. Hist. vol. i.), and no letter in this collection was
written except by a person of rank. The fact that the writer calls himself the
King's "devoted chaplain" is by no means conclusive against his having been
a Prince of the Church . ft The letter was probably received by the King at
Calais, where he arrived on the fourth day after the battle of Agincourt, and
where he remained a fortnight. 6
GLORIOSISSIME PRINCEPS et invictissime domine, ipsam quam sit
aut possit capellanus devotus domino suo in terris suppremo recom-
mendacionem humillimam. Omnipotenti regi regum, cuius judicia
semper justa sunt, ipsas quas valeo cotidianas gratiarum actiones
suplex exsolvo. Dum iam, quod din sperabam, qiiod optaveram et
anteqnam ab hac luce migrarem videre rogaveram, oculos ante meos
conspicio (unde meum ex intimis animum speciali gaudio refocillo)
inclitissimi videlicet regni Anglic gloriam et honorem, a diu sopor-
tam (sopitam ?), etiam prope e memoria elapsam, sompno de gravis-
simo suscitatam. Jam enim yemps abiit et recessit; flores apparue-
runt ; vinee florentes odorem dederunt ; yemps videlicet pigricie et
desidie, ne dicam timoris aut vecordie ; flores apparuerunt strenuis-
sime iuventutis et milicie ; vinee florentes, propago ilia nobilissima
MOST GLORIOUS PRINCE, and invincible Lord, the devoted chaplain, in as
humble wise as he can or may, recommends himself to his supreme Lord on
earth. To the omnipotent King of Kings, whose judgments are ever just, I
humbly address such daily thanksgivings as I can. Now, what I long hoped for
and wished to see before I left this world, I behold before my eyes, whereby I
feel my heart warmed with special delight, viz. the glory and honour of the
famous realm of England, for a long time wholly lulled to sleep and forgotten,
roused from its heavy slumber. For now winter is gone the winter, that is,
of sloth and idleness, that I say not timidity or madness. Flowers have ap-
peared the flowers of vigorous and warlike youth ; and flourishing vines
* In a Petition addressed to Henry the Sixth, dated 14 May, 1426 (when the King was
four years old), the cardinal styles himself the King's "humble ehapellain." Bibl. Cotton.
Cleop. E. in. fo. 30b.
b Hunter's Tracts (Agincourt) , p. 20.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 3
regum ct procerum Anglic, que, virtuosis artibus radicata, suos quon-
dam palmites mundi per climata diffudit; odorem dcderunt fame et
probitatis dignissime, et a seculo inaudite victorie ; que, cuntis regni
benevolis, mire suavitatis fragranciam, inimicis terrorem, et iura regni
detinentibus spiritum aufert amplius reluctandi. Postulavit regni
iusticia, pugnavit certantium prudeneia, assistebat incolarum depre-
cacio assidua, et colluctuntes respexit summus iudex, cuius non est
victoria in multis vel in paucis, qui superbis resistit, et humilibus
graciam subrninistrat. Quis, queso, prudens, expedicionis tante
successus futuris temporibus conspiciens, non mirabitur, et ipsius Dei
potencie non ascriberet? que gesta sunt ut, in novem hebdomadarum
spacio, opidum fortis'simum, hominum reputacione invincibile, por-
tusque gloriosi regni Francie tutissimus obtinere possint, et per tarn
spaciosas inimicorumque refertas provineias pateret progressus, et
finaliter tarn gloriosa inter regum annales merito aggreganda victoria
haberetur. A- seculo non est auditum simile neque lectum ; non
Machabeoram tempore, quorum historic hoc in temporc in ecclesia
whereby I understand that noble progeny of kings and nobles of England,
which, rooted in virtuous arts, formerly spread their branches throughout the
world, have given forth the odours of fame and of worthiest probity and of
victory unheard of in all time ; which to all the wellwishers of the realm are a
savour of rare sweetness, to its enemies a terror, and deprives those who would
cripple the rights of England of all courage for further resistance. National jus-
tice has required, the wisdom of the combatants has struggled, the prayers of
the population have worked for [this consummation]. He whose victory is nei-
ther to the many or the few who, the supreme judge of all, resists the proud and
gives grace to the humble hath looked on the combatants. What wise man, I
ask, beholding, in future times, the success of such an expedition, will not marvel,
and ascribe it to the power of God himself? How great are the events that
have happened ! when it is considered that, within nine weeks, a fortress of great
strength, generally esteemed impregnable, and the safest port of the glorious
realm of France, were taken ; a progress opened through so many spacious and
hostile provinces ; and, finally, a victory obtained, which may well be deemed
glorious in royal annals. Nothing like it has been heard or read of in all
time. Not in the time of the Maccabees, whose history is still read in the
4 LETTEKS DURING THE REIGNS OF
lecte sunt, non Sauli a propheta inuncto, non David Israelitice plebis
rcgi preelecto, non Salamoni mortalium sapientissimo, aut Alexandro
fortunatissimo, huiuscemodi data leguntur. Estimat et pro firmo
tenet ut reor magestas regia quod non sua, sed Dei manus extenta, hec
fecerit universa, ad ipsius laudem, Anglorum plebis decus et gloriam,
regalis nominisque memoriam sempiternam. In qua summe consider-
andura quid nobis fecerit Deus, ut, dum nos forte propter nostra
crimina aliquantulum puniri voluerit, non in manus inimicorum, qui
parcere non noscunt, tradidit, sed sue castigacionis virgam, pestem ali-
qualem, inter nos transmiserit; ac, ne gloriam tante victorie, qui forte
non meruissent, sibimet ascriberent, ipsos absentes esse voluit, ut sibi
gloria, et vobis, tanquam suo ministro, victoria preberetur. Sed sum-
opere cavendum consulo, ne, post tantas victorias, vincant victorie
comites, quales sunt superbia, vana gloria, iactancia, verborum pompa,
crudelitas, rabies, et vindicandi furor, qui victorum sunt hostes hor-
rendi, a quibus sepe victores clarissimi victi sunt. Qain magis assit
hurnilitas, modestia, graciarum accio, pietas, clemencia et ignoscendi
church ; not in that of Saul, the anointed of the prophet ; not in that of David,
the chosen king of the Israelitish people ; not in that of Solomon, the wisest of
men ; not in that of Alexander, the most fortunate, has anything similar been
read. Thy royal majesty deems and firmly holds, as I presume, that not thy hand,
but the outstretched hand of God, hath done all these things, for His own praise,
the honour and glory of the English nation, and the eternal memory of the royal
name. In which it is chiefly to be considered what God has done for us ; that
whilst it was His will, perchance, to punish us to some extent, on account of
our sins, he did not deliver us into the hands of our enemies, who know not
how to spare ; but he sent among us a plague, the rod of His displeasure ;
and, lest the glory of such a victory should be claimed by the men who
perchance did not deserve it, it was His will that they should be absent,
that the glory of the victory should be to Him, and to you as His minister.
Chiefly let us beware lest, after such victories, the accompaniments of victory
vanquish the victors such as pride, vainglory, boasting, swelling words,
cruelty, rage, and the fury of revenge ; all of which are enemies greatly to be
dreaded by conquerors, and by which the most famous victors have been
themselves conquered. Much more let humility, modesty, giving of thanks,
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI.
zelus. Restat igitur, princeps invictissime, ut internis aiFectibus
Deo laudes pro hiis magnalibus referantur, et bene vivendo sibique
scrviendo suppliciter deprecemur, ut opus tarn gloriosum ad finem
perducat sibi gratum. Vosque, princeps metuendissirne, ne in va-
cuum (in vanum ?) gloriam Dei recipiatis, sed ad juris vestri perse-
cucionem, abiecta dominandi libidine, postpositis et fugatis dolosis
partis adversi tractatibus, viriliter incedatis, et ne vires interim recol-
ligant vigilancius insistat[is]. Nemo autem mittens manum ad ara-
trum et retro respiciens aptus est regno : continuatum autem studium
communiter ducit ad profectum; et, secundum Tullium, perfecte
virtutis est non quod actum sed quod gerendum, non quod assit sed
quod desit, inspicere. Regiam insuper decet cclsitudinem non de
quesito gloriari, sed de querendo solicitum esse; nee nos retrahat
inimicorum potencia, conturbet astudicia, aut quemvis seducant pro-
inissa pulcra. Usque quo ipsam, in corde vestro fixam et diu desi-
deratam, cum iusticia, pacem apprehendere, et perhenniter stabilire,
possitis, ferrum ignitum securis ad axem messis multa aptissima ma-
piety, clemency, and a warm desire to pardon, prevail. There remains, there-
fore, invincible prince, that, with our inmost affections, praises be rendered to
God for these great things ; and, living righteously and serving him, let us
suppliantly pray that He may bring so glorious a work to an end pleasing to
Him. And you, most dread Prince, receive not the glory of God in vain, but
for the prosecution of your right, casting away the lust of power, go forward
manfully (the false dealings of the adversary being retarded and put to flight)
and insist, with the utmost vigilance, that he shall not regain his strength.
No man putting his hand to the plough, and looking back, is fit for the king-
dom [of heaven]; but continued effort usually leads to success; and, ac-
cording to Tully, it is the part of true virtue not to look on what has been done,
but what remains to be done ; not what a man has, but what he is wanting in.
Moreover, it is fitting that your royal highness should not boast of the past,
but be anxious for the future ; neither let the power of our enemies drag us
back ; let not their astuteness disturb us ; nor let any fair promises seduce any
one. Until you may be able to bring about and establish, on a basis of justice,
a permanent peace, which has so long been the fixed desire of your heart . . .
fitting matter will not be wanting, nor
6 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
teria non desit, aut tepescat executor sedulus, qui quantum possibile
est cliristianomm sanguini parcat, et, cuncta cum misericordia tem-
perans, perducat feliciter usque finem. Sane, regurn princeps dig-
nissime, de regni subsidiis, et spiritualiter et temporaliter, in hoc casu
faciendis timere non oportet ; quia in tantum gaudet populus vester
fidelissimus, in tarn felicibus auspiciis, ut se et sua vobis offerant et
pieces devotissimas incessanter pro vobis efFundant, et ea de causa in
parliamento vestro presencialiter congregantur, clerusque regni vestri
devotissimus in Octabis Sancti Martini proximo futuro Londoniam
convenient, quo in tempore, non dubito, suum principem (et eorum
alludarn vocabulo principem presbiterorum, nuper a quibusdam
vocitato,) taliter respicient, ut luculenter apparere poterit quod non
tantum voce vel labiis vos laudent, sed magis operibus gloriose
magnificent, et super eos diutissime regnaturum corditer concupis-
cant. Ad regni vestri Anglie decus, gloria in et magestatem vest ram
conservet incolumem suramus Deus. Scriptum, etc.
ought a careful executor [of the divine will] to falter, who, as far as possible,
should spare Christian blood, and, tempering all .things with mercy, bring them
happily to an end. Truly, most worthy Prince, it behoveth you not to fear
for the subsidies of your realm, both spiritual and temporal, to be raised in
this matter ; because your faithful people so delight in their present happy
auspices, that they offer to you themselves and their goods, and pour out for
you unceasingly their devout prayers ; and therefore they are now met together
in Parliament; and the devout clergy of your realm will meet in London, on
the Octave of St. Martin next coming. At which time, I doubt not that they
will so regard their Prince (I allude to the phrase lately used by certain per-
sons, " the Prince of Priests,") that it will appear plainly, that they not only
laud you with their voices, but rather gloriously magnify you with their deeds,
and heartily desire that you may long reign over them. To the honour of
your realm of England may the great God safely preserve your glory and ma-
jesty ! Written, &c.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI.
II.
A LETTER TO KING HENRY THE FIFTH, WRITTEN FROM THE
COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.
THIS letter was certainly written from the Council of Constance, and as cer-
tainly addressed to King Henry the Fifth. By whom it was written does not
appear; but there can be little doubt that, being sent to the King of England,
the writer was one of the numerous embassy, composed mainly of ecclesiastics,
despatched by Henry to that famous assembly.* The letter, while giving the
current news and rumours of the day, bears, I think, sufficient impress of the
hand of a churchman to make it not unlikely that it emanated, either from
Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, or Thomas Polton, then a prebendary of
York, the two most distinguished English ecclesiastics present at the Council. 1 *
The Council opened the 5th November, 1414, and closed its sittings in May 1418.
John Huss was burned 6th July, 1415. c Notice of this event was probably con-
tained in the letter of which John Hervy was the bearer. d Before the end of
July 1415 the Emperor Sigismond quitted Constance for Spain, on the very
vain mission to induce Peter de Luna, the Antipope, calling himself Benedict
the Thirteenth, to renounce his claim to the Popedom. Benedict was sup-
ported by Ferdinand the First, King of Aragon,e and some other princes ; but,
L'Enfant, Hist, du Cone, de Constance, p. 42.
b L'Enfant, pp. 42, 456. In Rymer, ix. 773, is a letter to the King of 30th June 1419,
from Florence, signed by John Ketterick, Bishop of Lichfield, and Thomas Polton,
beginning Invictissime Regum Princeps, precisely as this letter begins.
c L'Enfant, p. 275.
d John Hervy (a mediaeval form of Hervey} was, I conceive, of Thurleigh, Beds. He
was employed by Henry the Fourth in 1403, in a negotiation with Owen Glendower; and
also, as on this occasion, at Constance, by Henry the Fifth. He must have died before
1419, as his wife's second husband is said to have died in that year. He is buried at
Thurleigh. See Paper by the Rev. Lord Arthur Hervey on the family of Hervey as
connected with Ickworth, Suffolk. Lowestoft, 1858, pp. 54, 55, 110, 111. Collins's
Peerage, iv. 141.
e Benedict was of the blood royal of Aragon. He was at this time 78 years of age,
and is said to have harangued the emperor for seven consecutive hours, "sans gu'ilparut
aucune alteration dans sa voiz, ni sur son visage" L'Enfant, p. 355. Benedict never
submitted to the Council, and never despaired of his own cause. He retired to the fortress
of Peniscola, on the coast of Valencia, and thence, from his own centre of unity, excom-
municated Ferdinand King of Aragon, regularly, every day, until the King died in 1416
Benedict survived until 1424. L'Enfant, pp. 366, 575.
8 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
finding him irreclaimably obstinate, they at length renounced his obedience,
and entered into articles of agreement to that effect, which were executed at
Narbonne the 13th December 1415, and are called the Capitulation of Narbonne.
This capitulation was read in the Council the 30th January 1416. a The letter
notices an irruption of the Turks into the territories of the Emperor during
his absence on the affairs of the Church. This news seems to have reached
the Council in August 1415. b It also notices the marriage of Joanna the
Second, Queen of Naples, with Jacques de la Marche, as having taken place the
10th September, 1415. c The marriage was shortly followed by the arrest, torture,
and execution of Pandolfello Alopo, a former favourite of the Queen. d This
event is referred to in the letter, as also a false report of the death of a "great
soldier of fortune," probably Ludovico Sforza, who was at this time in a Nea-
politan dungeon, who had also undergone torture, and barely escaped with
life. 6 The ambassadors of Ladislas, King of Poland, arrived at Constance
towards the end of November 1415. f On the 7th of December 1415, the Council
received an autograph letter from Angelo Corario, who, as Antipope, had for-
merly borne the title of Gregory XII. confirming the cession of his claim,
which had been already made by proxy.g It is probably to this occurrence
that the closing sentences of the letter refer. Comparing the circumstances
mentioned above with L'Enfant's History of the Council of Constance, I con-
clude that this letter was written in December, 1415. The King had already
returned home after the battle of Agincourt. h In March 1416 Sigismund
arrived in Paris on his way to England. In April 1416 the death of Ferdi-
nand King of Aragon, whose illness is mentioned in the letter, took place ; and
on the 7th May 1416 Sigismund arrived in London. 1 The object of his jour-
ney was to make peace between England and France. He remained in Eng-
land until the following August, and then returned to the Continent. 11 He
did not reappear at Constance until the 27th January 1417.
a L'Enfant, p. 361.
b L'Enfant, p. 312.
c Sismondi (Rep. Ital. vi. 175,) says 10th August.
d Sismondi, vi. 175.
e Ibid. p. 176. Sforza did not die until 1424, when he was drowned in the Pescara.
Sismondi has given a very graphic account of his death (Rep. Ital. vol. vi. p. 229).
f L'Enfant, 721. s Ibid. p. 350.
h He arrived in London 24th November 1415. Hunter's Tracts (Agincourt), p. 20.
* L^Enfant, p. 723. Pauli, Geschichte von England, v. 132. Hume takes no notice of
the Emperor's visit.
k English Chron. p. 43.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 9
INVICTISSIME REGUM PRINCEPS, citra decimumnonum mensis
Augusti diem vestri [vestrae] celsitudini per dominum Johannem
Hervy occurrencia nobiscum nova scripsi, quo ad in Consilio
[Concilio] gesta, pauca emerserant relatione digna. Quinymo [quin-
immo] a christianissimi principis Romanorum Regis recessu re-
formacionis Ecclesie materiam in capite et in membris tractandam
solum [Concilium] duxerat, et tractavit. Nee ad tempus, quo de ipsius
principis prospero successu super factis Ecclesie, pro quibus legitime
decertans tot sudatos labores a temporibus sustinuit et in presentia-
rum sustinet, certa recepit, alia pertractare disponit ; ea in ipsa re-
formacione iam statuens, que dum, suo tempore, mundo publicentur,
veluti Deo grata, universalis Ecclesie decorativa, cuntis uti speratur
merito venient applaudenda. Nichilominus, serenissime Princeps,
super conclusione quavis cum Aragonum rege et Petro de Luna prin-
cipe habita, nil certi recepimus; licet et spes firmissima sit, ex multis
que concilio scribuntur, finis optati. Infirmitas vero, qua rex ipse Ara-
gonum valde deprimitur, in causa putatur prodilationis et more. In-
IN VINCIBLE SOVEREIGN, since the 19th day of the month of August, when
I wrote to your Highness by Mr. John Hervy the latest occurrences
amongst us, very little has arisen, so far as the proceedings of the Coun-
cil are concerned, worthy of mention. In fact, since the departure of the
most Christian prince the King of the Romans, the matter of the reformation
of the Church in its head and members is the only one which the Council has
thought worthy to be taken in hand, and has treated of. Nor, at this time,
when it has received certain intelligence of the success of the Prince himself in
matters relating to the Church, striving lawfully for which he has borne in
times past and still bears many wearisome labours, does it choose to entertain
any other questions ; being now engaged in establishing, in connexion with
this very reformation, things which, when, at the proper time, they shall be
published to the world, will, as being acceptable to God and to the honour of
the universal Church, be deservedly applauded, as it is hoped, by all men.
Nevertheless, most serene Prince, as touching any agreement come to with the
King of Aragon and the Prince Peter de Luna, we have received no certain
intelligence; although, from many written communications received by the-
Council, we have strong hopes of the desired issue. The illness, how-
ever, by which the King of Aragon is so much pulled down, is thought to be
CAMD. SOC. C
10 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
super, serenissime Princeps, literatore nobiscum refertur, Turcos, qui
tanta potencia et sui spiritu furoris Christianorum terras et regnorum
Romanorum Regis fines, precipue iam a temporibus invaserant, Christi-
colarurn plebe permaxima sepius (procli dolor !) ense perempta, sicuti
serenitatem vestram multorum scripturis,meisque inter ceteras, estimo
concepisse, et iam, post multa, manus Cliristicola,Deo laudes,pro parte
maxima trucidavit. Licet et principes aliqui Regnorum Croacie et
Dalmacie, viri valde potentes, Regis Romanorum in odium, cuius
tamen erant, vel esse saltern debuerant, Turcis memoratis adheserunt,
quorum singulos inopinatus casus emergens, non minus miraculose
quam mirabiliter, primitus extinxit. Resque mira, sicuti relatores asse-
runt, secuta est. Nam qui supersunt ex infidelibus ipsis, antiquissima
per eos scriptura reperta, convincuntur, qua dictatur eos infra se-
quentes annos quinque a Christianis funditus opprimi, vel ad fidern
Christianas religionis omnino converti. E quibus minus confusi ad
propria, sicuti refertur, dispersi remeant. Hii pauci vivi relicti. Insuper ,
serenissime Princeps, super statu Regine Neapolitane Comitisque
the cause of the delay. Furthermore, most serene Prince, we are informed
by a correspondent (?), that the Turks, who with their immense power and the
energy of their native ardour had invaded the lands of the Christians in times
past, specially the dependencies of the King of the Romans, slaying with the
sword (alas !) great numbers of Christians (as I presume your serenity Avill
have understood by the writings of many, and by mine amongst others), have
(praise be to God !) been, for the most part, destroyed by a Christian band ;
and this although some princes of Croatia and Dalmatia, men of great power,
adhered to the aforesaid Turks, out of hatred to the King of the Romans, whos%
subjects, nevertheless, they were or ought to have been; every one of whom
has been destroyed by a sudden chance not less miraculous than wonderful.
A wonderful circumstance, as is related, occurred. For the survivors of the
infidels themselves are convinced, by a very ancient writing found amongst
themselves, in which it is declared that, within the next five years, they will be
wholly conquered by the Christians, or converted to the faith of the Christian
religion. Of the survivors, those who had kept some order are, as it is said,
returning, in different directions, to their homes. Moreover, most serene
Prince, with regard to the condition of the Queen of Naples and the French
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 11
Marchio de Francia, qui cum ea Septembris x matrimonium con-
firmavit, legato in urbe existcnte, Concilio pridie plurima scribente,
nova venerant, que cedula continet liiis inclusa ; cuius tenor sibi,
prout asserint (asserunt ?), a civitate Neapolitana viro magnifico
transmissus est. Et legatus ipse, suis literis posterioribus, Concilio
directe affirmat Pandolfellum generalem, cle quibus in cedula simi-
liter, et fortune capitaneum magnum ibidem, qui contra ecclesiam
fuerat, lam a diebus subito morti datos. Insuper, metuenclissime
doinine, ex parte Regis Polonie, Ambassiatoribus suis in Concilio
cxistentibus, pridie scriptum est, de spe firma quam habet super
reduccione Grecorum ad ecclesiam Romanam, etc. de illis saltern
qui sunt regnis suis; in quibus sunt ducenti episcopatus, ut ipsi
ambassiatores affirmant. Et ob finem istum, confirmiterque ad
reducendum ad vitam nostram populum quasi infantinum in Russia,
sue dicioni subiecta, qui necdum fidei catholice professores exist-
unt, de quo eius spes existat, ut scribit Constantino Policionem ( ?)
vicarium generalem, in Latino, Greco et Tartarico ydeomatibus
Count de la Marche, who confirmed his marriage with her on the 10th of
September, much news came the day before yesterday from one writing to the
legate attending the Council in this city, which is in the schedule inclosed-
herein ; the tenor of which, it is said, has been transmitted hither from the
city of Naples by a man of high rank. And the legate himself directly informs
the Council, from his later letters, that the General Pandolfello, and the great
soldier of fortune there who was against the Church, as to both of whom also
see the schedule, had lately died. Furthermore, most dread Lord, letters were-
received the day before yesterday from the King of Poland, by his ambassadors
now present at the Council, of the firm hope he has of reducing the Greeks of
his dominions to [the obedience of] the Roman Church, &c. amongst whom,
the ambassadors say, there are two hundred bishoprics. To this end, and
also for the purpose of bringing over permanently to our [mode of] life the-
simple population of that part of Russia, which is subject to his rule, which
does not yet profess the Catholic faith, he has sent to the King of the Romans
and the Council, on his own behalf, as a .... writes, a Vicar General sufficiently
versed in the Latin, Greek, and Tartaric languages, in order to gain certain
favours and letters necessary for the aforesaid matters ; who confidently hopes
12 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
sufficienter instructum, ad Komanorum Kegem et Concilium, pro se
pro consequendis favoribus certis literisque ad premissa neces-
sariis transmisit, qui firmissime sperat ad finem prosperum in brevi
reducere que prernisi. Et sic, invictissime Princeps, firme credatur
Altissimum, cuius res agitur, hiis postremis temporibus, velle sui
gregis dominici imperii, ut juxta ab antique promissa unum fiat
ovile, et pastor unicus, ecclesie sue sancte. Cardinale[s] nuper Gre-
gorii, infra octo dies, omnes ad Constanciam venient, indistincte.
Officialibus suis aliis nobiscum iam existentibus, et iam diu est, inter
nostros, ut rationis est, cum honore receptis. Ad victoriosum trium-
phum, votivis uti successibus, diu valeat et vigeat vestra celsitudo.
Scrip turn, etc.
to be able shortly to bring to a prosperous end the business I have referred to
above. And thus, most puissant Prince, let us firmly believe that the Most
-High, whose cause it is, means, in these last times, as promised of old, that His
flock and empire shall form one fold, and that there shall be one shepherd of
His Holy Church. The cardinals, lately adherents of Gregory, are all, without
exception, expected at Constance within eight days. His other officials, now
and for some time past with us, have been received, as was right, with
honour. May your Highness long thrive and flourish in victory and success.
Written, &c.
III.
A LETTER FROM THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND TO ONE
OF HIGH RANK IN ENGLAND, RESPECTING A PRESENTATION
OF THOMAS POLTON TO THE PREBEND OF SWORDS.
AFTER much consideration I have come to the conclusion that this letter was
written, between the years 1414 and 1419, by Sir John Talbot, Lord Furnival,
who for his valour in the French wars was created Earl of Shrewsbury A.D.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 13
1442.* The writer was a Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whose acting deputy
was his brother. Now, Sir John Talbot was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from
A.D. 1414 to A.D. 1419 ; and his brother, Richard Talbot, Archbishop of
Dublin, was his Deputy. b I have not found any other Lord Lieutenant and
Deputy standing in the same relation to each other, during the period within
which the letter was probably written, nor am I at all able to say to whom the
letter was addressed. Thomas Polton, LL.D. who has been already mentioned,
was an English ecclesiastic of considerable note, during the early part of the
loth century. He was a prebendary of York in 1408, and, in 1416, was
elected dean of that see. d As one of the King's ambassadors he attended the
Council of Constance (1414 to 1418), where he appears to have highly dis-
tinguished himself by upholding the rights and dignity of England.e Consi-
dering the nature of the arguments by which he maintained the right of Eng-
land to be deemed " a nation," we of the present day may perhaps be pardoned
if we incline to think that the Ambassador's reasons were less convincing than
the victories which had been lately gained by the English. Thomas Polton,
who, in addition to his English honours, had the title of Pope's Notary, was, by
Papal provision, promoted to the see of Hereford, A.D. 1420. f Early in 1422
he was translated to Chichester;? and, in 1425-6, to Worcester. 11 He was pre-
sent at the Council of Basle, and died there 23rd August, 1433.* The name of
Thomas Polton does not occur in the list of the Prebendaries of Swords. The
Prebend of Swords, which belonged to the Church of St. Patrick, Dublin, was
so valuable that it was called " the Golden Prebend." In 1431 the revenues
were divided into three parts by Archbishop Talbot, and a part only was re-
served to the prebendary. k
HIGH AND MIGHTJE PRINCE, and my right noble and gracious
lorde, I recommende me unto youre high and noble lordeship, with
right humble hert, and souveraine desire, certainly to wete alle gra-
cious and comfortable tidings of youre noble persone, as yo r most
a Synopsis of Peerage by Sir H. Nicolas, vol. ii. p. 633.
b Annals of the Four Masters, p. 214, note (1).
c Fasti Eccles. Anglic, vol. iii. pp. 196, 215.
d Ibid. vol. iii. p. 124.
e L'Enfant, Hist, du Concile de Constance, vol. i. p. 456; and Seward's Anecdotes,
vol. i. p. 18.
f Fasti Eccles. Anglic, vol. i. p. 464.
s Ibid. vol. i. p. 245. h j^id. vol. iii. p. 60.
Ibid. vol. iii. p. 60, and Anglia Sacra, p. 805.
k Cotton's Fasti Eccl. Hib. vol. ii. p. 136.
14 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
gentil liert best can ymagin, to my most especial comforte ; Lowly
thankynyoure said noble lordeship, of mony gracious supportacons, and
noble helpes, to me shewid, afore this tyme, in my greet nede, without
eny desert on my behalve ; the which Gode rewarde, where I may not.
Lowly beseking you, my gracious Lorde, for my perseverance (?).
High and myghte Prince, and my Right noble and gracious
Lorde It liketh to youre high Lordeshipe beningly [benignly] to
understond, that youre gracious letters for maister Thomas Polton,
touching his prebende of Swerdes, to me sent, I have reverently and
humbly received. Highly having (? marvailing), my right noble
lorde, of that, that the said Maister Thomas stirred your gra-
cious lordeshipe to write to me in wise, where no gilte ne deffaute
was in my personne, in that matere. For, my Right noble Lorde,
his possession of the seid prebende was never emblemisshed by me,
nor by none other, by myne ordinance. For, when I granted- him a
presentacon therof at London, in oure most souveraing Liege Lordes
name, [I] therupon wrote to my brother, that was my Deputee in
Yreland, for to put hym in execucon. The which was duely exe-
cute, as I supposed, so fer forthe that the said procuratours of the
said maister Thomas couthe finde no faulte therein. And (if) they
had founden any faulte in me or my brother, or any other persounes
towards me, and wolde have certified therof, hit shulde have be
remedied, without delaye; as I declared, openly, afore Thomas La-
vington servant to the said Maister Thomas, to his procurators now
at his being here.
IV.
A LETTER FROM THE TREASURER OF CALAIS TO HENRY V.
IT appears to have been the custom for the Captain of Calais to indent, i.e.
bind himself by deed to the King, to maintain a certain military establishment,
on receiving a certain daily pay. In Dugdale's Baronage,* mention is made of
* Dugd. Bar. vol. i. pp. 244, 245.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 15
two indentures of this kind having been entered into by Richard Beauchamp
Earl of Warwick. This letter seems to imply that, if the Captain were unin-
dented, the whole charge was provided for by the Crown. The Earl of Warwick
was Captain of Calais throughout the greater part of the reign of Henry the
Fifth, and during a part of that of Henry the Sixth. I conclude this letter to
have been written towards the close of the former reign.
SOUVERAINE LORDE, yn as humbly wise as any true liege man
can thinke or devise, I recommend me unto youre noble grace.
Please yow to wite, that I have received your gracious letters writen
at Saintliz [Senlis ?] the xxj day of Juil, charging me to certiffie
yow the cause, why that I restreined the souldeours of youre toune
of Caleys, xl dayes in a yere, for to goo into youre remne [realm] of
England, for to dispose for suche thinges as they had to doo there,
leving a sufficient man [number of men] in hire [their] stede. Sou-
veraine lorde, I restreined never non, (the more harme hathe be yours).
Bote, I being in youre full noble Keamne, and [of] the counseil of
my lorde of Warrewic, Capitain of youre seid toune, I desired of my
full worthye lordes of youre counseil, that the Capitain shulde en-
dente [indent] with yow, after youre laste appointment for the pees.
And your counseil wold not grante eche souldeour xl dayes, with-
outen special commandement from yow in writing. And soo youre
saide Capitaine standeth unendented with alle, and none restreined,
ne no rekenyng can be made with hym, for his retenue [retinue], to
greet harme to yow, and to me greet charge withoute youre gra-
cious lordship. Lowly I beseke (beseche) youre hight (high) discre-
cion, that hit may be hastely remedied, whan it best list yow, for
youre prouffite and my discharge.
V.
A LETTER FROM THE TREASURER OF CALAIS TO THE KING.
THIS letter being from Calais, relating to the payment of money, and being
addressed to the King in person, I conceive to have been written by the trea-
16 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
surer of Calais (probably Richard Bokeland)" to King Henry the Fifth. Of
the three persons named in it, John Skott, Guy Bussh, and Sir Raulf Racheford
or Rochford, the only one of whom I can recover any trace is the last. Sir
Ralph Rochford appears to have been much trusted by King Henry the Fifth,
and was often employed by him.t> Sir Ralph Rochford was lieutenant of
Calais 1421 ; c it is probable therefore that the letter was written in that year.
SOUVERAINE LORDE, in as humble wise as any true liegeman can
thinke or deme, I recommend me unto youre noble grace. Like it
youre highnesse to conceive, that I have received your gracious let-
ters, charging me to receive of John Skott and Guy Bussh xlvi pri-
sonners, paying and contenting thayme resonably for thaire costages.
Yf it please youre highnesse, I have received of the seid John Skott
and his ffellawship xxix prisonners,and I content theym of thaire cost-
ages. And, truly, they er poure men, of no value, and gret cost drawers;-
noughtwithstandyng that they er kepte as straitely, and in as esy
dieting, as I can deme, after youre commaundement. And, as touching
the xvi prisouners that hit liked [you] to charge me to receive of Guy
Bussh, he wold not dely ver thaime to me, unless thanne I wold have
content for hym every prisonner, in the weke, a crowne, beyng in his
keping, at that tyme, by the space of xii wekes. Thinking to me these
costages askyng unresonable. Wherupon I charged hym, on youre
* Richard Bokeland was of a Northamptonshire family, and he sat for the county in
the 3rd and 9th parliaments of Henry VI. (Bridges's Northamptonshire, vol. i. p. 10.)
He was treasurer of Calais from 9 Hen. V. (1421) to 14 Hen. VI. (1436). (Calais Ac-
counts, Record Office.) He was also victualler of Calais for some time. (Rymer, vols.
ix. and x. passim.) In the 2 Hen. VI. (1423) he bought the manor of Edgecote in
Northamptonshire, about four miles north of Banbury in Oxfordshire, for the use of
himself and Joan his wife; and, by his will, which is extant in the register of Wills of
Gray, Bishop of Lincoln, he bequeathed Edgecote to his widow for life, with remainder to
their daughter and heir Agnes Whitingham. (Bridges, vol i. p. 120.) A pedigree of the
Bokeland family is to be found in Baker's Northamptonshire (vol. i. p. 493); but as the
pedigree commences with Richard Bokeland, I have been unable to learn anything as to his
descent. He was one of the executors of the will of the Duke of Bedford (Test. Vet. vol.
i. p. 242), who died 14 September, 1435, and whom he survived barely a year, dying 10
August, 1436. (Bridges, vol. i. p. 118.)
b Rymer, ix. passim. Acts P. Council, ii. 155 n. 205%.; Carte's French Rolls, ii.
246. < Acts of P. C. ii. 365.
/
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 17
bchalvc, in the presence of Sir Raulf Rachcford, and your Marshal
of youre toune of Caleys, and many moe persounes of youre seid toune,
that the seid Guy Bussh shulde kepe thaime savely , as he wold answere
unto yo r Highnessc, unto the tyme that I hold other commaunde-
ment from you. Souveraine Lorde, I beseche Almightie gode, etc.
VI.
A LETTER FROM KING HENRY V. TO THE LIEUTENANT AKD
TREASURER OF CALAIS.
THIS letter was found amongst the Calais accounts of the reign of Henry V.
preserved at the Public Record Office. It is so intimately connected with the
letter which follows it, that I am glad to be able to publish them together. It
is impossible to determine with certainty the date of the King's letter ; but
after carefully examining vols. ix. and x. of Rymer,. and other authorities,* 1
strongly incline to the conclusion that it was written in the year 1421. The
Duke of Burgundy mentioned in the letter was Philip the Good, son of John
the Fearless, who was treacherously murdered at the bridge of Montereau, at
the junction of the Yonne and the Seine, 6 the 10th September, 1419, in the
presence, if not by the command, of the Dauphin, afterwards Charles the
Seventh. John of Luxemburg was a staunch adherent of the English and of
the House of Burgundy. I conceive that Sir Ralph Rochford was Lieutenant,
and Richard Bokeland was Treasurer, of Calais at this time, and that the letter
was addressed to them. d Thomas de la Croix (Delia Croce) was an envoy
sent by Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan, to King Henry V. as early as 1414.*
He appears to have afterwards taken service with the King, and to have been
highly esteemed by him. f The minute directions given by the King, prescribing
the route of the horse and its attendants from Calais to Paris, are very curious ;
and strongly indicative of the then disturbed state of the country. Notwith-
standing these directions, the horse appears not to have arrived at its destina-
tion ; hence a second letter from the King which seems to have perished, to
which the next letter is a reply.
a Pauli, Geschichte von England, vol. v. p. 169.
b Montereau-fault- Yonne. c Biog. Univ.
d Acts of Privy Council, vol. ii. pp. 363, 365, 367.
e Rymer, ix. 118. '' Rymer, x. 137, 139.
CAMD. SOC. D
18 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
BY THE KING.
Trusty & welbeloved, forasmuclie as we be enfourmed Thomas
de la Croix hath sent hors & certain armerers, and harnois, for us
unto our town of Caleys, We wol & charge yow expressly yat ye
ordaine yat y e saide hors, and y e men yat ar comen with hem, come
to us in al seure haste, and send sum trusty man for to go with hem, that
may have the oversighte & gouveurnance of hem alle, and yat [they]
be seurely & saufly conducted fro thens to St. Omer & so to Arras,
and fro thens to Amyas [Amiens], there abidinge unto the tyme they
have seure conduct from our brethre [brother] of Burgoigne or fro
Sir Johan de Luxemburgh, to y e whiche we have writen for her sauf
passage fro thens to Aubmalle [Aumale], fro whens our garnisons
with God's grace shallen conduct hem to Parys, where we wol they
shal abyde til they have heard of our wille and, they comen to
Parys, we wol that he that shal come fro you with them sende us
woord of theire corny ng thider. Yeven under our signet in our
castel at Seint Denys de Moronval beside Dreux, the last day of Juill.
To the Lieutenant and Treasurer of our towne of Caleys and eche
of them.
VII.
A LETTER TO KING HENRY V. FROM THE LIEUTENANT AND
TREASURER OF CALAIS.
THE horse and its attendants not arriving, as stated in the introduction to
the last letter, the King writes a second letter respecting it, of the 18th of
September, and sends it to Calais by Blanc Turcell, a pursuivant. The receipt
of this message from the King is acknowledged by the officers of Calais ; who in
reply state, that they have had a similar letter from the Duke of Burgundy,
which they inclose, and also another letter giving an account of some mishap
that had attended their convoy, whereat they much marvel.
FULL HIGH AND MIGHTIE oure moste douted Souveraine lorde,
also [as] lowly as yn any wise we most [best] can or deme, We us
HENKY V. AND HENRY VI. 19
recommende unto your High, noblesse, unto the which please hit to
understand that your gracious letters, yeven at Mewen [Meung]
beside Baugency, a in date of the xviij. day of the monethe of Sep-
tembre, hider broght by Blanc Turcell, the Poursuivant, makyng
mention of the horse and other things, that Thomas De la Crosse
has sent to your Highnesse, out of Lumbardy, [have been received'].
Whereupon, ful high and mightie and cure most douted souve-
raine liege lorde, the soth [the truth] is, that upon that high and
mightie Prince the Due of Borguigne had, for the same cause,
writen unto youre tresorer here, and to me, by his letters, whiche
beeth closed within this, the men, with the same horsse, and other
things that they brojt [brought], departed from hens the xxij. day
of August last passed ; withoute that we have sithen had tidings of
hem unto ester [yester] day, that [when] unto youre seid tresorer
and me was broght a letter of the same matere, which also is closed
within these. Mervailing right inly moche, truly, bothe he and I,
that they have be soo demened [behaved] as the letter makith
mencion.
VIII.
A LETTER TO KING HENRY V. FROM AN OFFICER HAVING
THE CHARGE OF PUBLIC WORKS AT CALAIS.
MENTION being made of a servant of Thomas de la Crosse being at Calais
when this letter was written, and of his having been the bearer of it to the
a The name of the town in the MS. is written Mewes, but, as there is no town of that
name on the Loire, and that there is a town "beside Beaujency" called Meun, which is
not unfrequently written in English as Mewen, I have corrected the text. Meun, Mehun,
or Meung-sur--Loire, is a small town not far from Orleans, the birth-place of Jean de
Meun, surnamed Clopiuel, '' parcesqidl tait boiteux," a ^et, who, in the 13th century,
completed the Roman de la Rose. (Biog. Univ.) He is also known as the earliest trans-
lator into French verse of Boethius de Consolatione Philosophise. (Pantheon Litteraire,
Philosophie Chretienne, Paris, 1835; and the notice of the author, by Buchon, prefixed.)
Both Thomas de Montacute, the brave Earl of Salisbury, who was mortally wounded at the
siege of Orleans in 1428, and Charles VII. of France, died at Meun.
20 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
King, I conceive, but not without hesitation, that it is attributable to the year
1421. It is plain from the contents that it was written in time of war, and
that the King had (probably not long before) been at Calais. Henry was in
England from the 3rd February to the 10th June 1421. On the last men-
tioned day he landed at Calais from Dover, and with very slight delay pro-
ceeded to Rouen. a Caen stone has always enjoyed a good reputation for build-
ing,* and linseed oil is noted for its hardening qualities.
SOUVERAINE LORDE, in as humbly wise as any true liegeman can
think or deme, I recommend me unto youre noble grace ; having
in myne hert continuelly emprinted, amonges youre other high
comaundments, yeven to me at youre departyng from Caleys, that
speciall commandment, by the whiche ye charged me, that I shulde
algates write unto youre highnesse, from tyme to tyme, of all matiers
that me semed necessarie or expedient to signiffie unto youre high-
nesse. In parformyng of the which youre commaundement, . like it
youre highnesse to conceive, that the fundament of youre chappell,
withinne youre castell of Caleys, and the walles over (height above
the grounde, in the lowest place, viij. fete) wherof I send yow the
patrone [pattern] by John Makyn, servant to Thomas De la Crosse,
bringer of this And, as touching the stone of this cuntre,
that shuld be for the jambes of your dorres and windowes of your
seid chapell, I dare not take upon me to sett * no more therof upon
your werkes, hit freteth and fareth so foule with himself, that, had
I not ordained lynnesede oyle to bed [bathe ?] hit with, hit wolde not
have endured, ne plesed youre Highnesse. Wherfore I have pur-
veyed xiij. tons tight [weight ?] of Cane stone, for to spede youre
werkes withall. And more I shall purveye, in all the haste possible,
for I cannot see that none other stone wolle be so proffitable for
youre seide werkes; and, for God's love, souveraine lorde, like yow,
of youre benign grace, to have me excused, no we and at al tymes, of
my rude and uncunnyng writyng to youre highnesse; the which
a Pauli, Geschichte von England, v. 166, 169.
b As to the use of Caen stone in the middle ages, see Mr. Hardy's Descriptive Cata-
logue of Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. i. preface, xxxi.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 21
ambasspth [shameth] me ful mochel, to write unto youre high
estate of any matter, savinge youre wille and coinmandement afore-
said; the which I shall ever obeye and periburme, to the uttermoste
that is possible unto me, whiles my lyf endureth. Souveraine lorde,
I beseche Almightie gode kepe yovv in continuel prosperitec, to his
plesaunce, and youre herts desire, #nd send yow victorye of all your
enemys for his muche mercye.
IX.
A LETTER FROM CERTAIN OFFICERS AT CALAIS TO THE KING.
RICHARD WIDVILLE, esquire of the body to King Henry the Fifth, and
chamberlain to the Duke of Bedford, 8 was the bearer of letters to Calais, from
the King and the Duke, to which this and the following letter are replies.
They are therefore attributable to the reign of Henry the Fifth ; but I am
unable to affix to them any more precise date ; nor can I state, except as ap-
pears from the letters themselves, under what circumstances they were written.
Richard Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, then or lately Captain of Calais, was
absent from his government, having left in charge the writers of the letters.
During his absence they are commanded to deliver over the town (apparently)
to another governor. They are anxious to stand well with the King, the
Duke and the Earl, and tfcis causes them no small embarrassment, as seems to
me plain, from the language of their replies. They intimate, however, that,
being deputies of the Earl of Warwick, they can do nothing without his know-
ledge and concurrence.
* Richard Wydvile, Widvil, or Woodville, was one of the bravest, and, according to
Miss Strickland (Lives of the Queens, vol. iii. p. 308), handsomest men of his day. He
was of a Northamptonshire family of note, and, in 7 Hen. IV., was sheriff of that county,
and governor of Northampton Castle. He served with distinction under Henry the
Fifth, and was one of the esquires of his body. In 3 Hen. VI. (1425) he was made con-
stable of the Tower; and, on Whit-Monday, 1426, received the honour of knighthood,
at Leicester, from the King, who, being then of the age of four years, had himself been
knighted the same day by his uncle the Duke ef Bedford. In 15 Hen. VI. (1437) he
was fined one thousand pounds for marrying Jaquetta Duchess of Bedford, without licence
from the Crown. For his valiant conduct in France, he was created Baron Rivers in 26
Hen. VI. (1448). Lord Rivers remained firm in his allegiance to the House of Lancaster
until the accession of Edward IV. Soon after this, however, his daughter Elizabeth,
22 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
UNTO THE KlNGE OURE SOUVREIGNE LORD.
Ful high and mightie Prince and oure right gracieux and most
douted souveraing Lord : We youre humble and true obeisant sub-
jectes recommende us lowly unto your high and mightie rioll [royal]
maiestie. Unto the whiche plese hit to understande, that we re-
ceived, nowe late, by the handes of youre squier and servant
Richard Wideville, youre gracieux letters of prive seal, the teneur
of the which we have wel understand, conceyving ther with all the
credence by hym to us exposed. Upon the teneur of the saide
letters [we] beseching youre saide rioll maiestie, oure right gracieux
and moste douted souveraigne lorde, That we, youre humble be-
sechers, (which alwaie have ben, beeth, and ever shal be, [and] wol
be, duryng oure lyves, youre verraye and trewe obeisant subgetes,)
mowen been done to and demened in manere and fourme liche
[like] as contenen [are contained 'in] certaine articles closed with
inne this same. And we at all tymes aren, and, with Godds grace,
shallen be redy, at the comandemeiit, ordinance, and be charge of
Jetters, under seal of right worshipfull and oure ful dere lorde
therle of Warrewic, be whos comandement and charge (as he that
for the saufgarde and seure keping of the toune of Caleys, was and
_is, unto yow oure souveraing lorde, be these letters, and seurly
bounden in bodye, goodes, liflode, and heritages), and yet not dis-
charged thereof, as we understanden, we have charge and com-
aundement of the keping and governaunce [i.e. of Calais] and to
whom, be all haste possible, and incontinent after tharrivaille of
youre seid squier and servant, we have sent certaine messages
[messengers] for the same cause, to obey and fulfill youre noble
widow of Sir John Grey, having captivated the King, he was taken into favour, and
great honours and trusts were conferred on him. He was made Treasurer of the Ex-
chequer, Lord High Constable of England, and advanced to the rank of an Earl. After
a brilliant career, the common story is that, in 9 Edw. IV. he was seized in his house at
Grafton near Towcester, by Sir William ConyerS a Lancastrian partisan, who, under the
name of Robin of Ridsdale, raised an insurrection against the Yorkist government; that
he was hurried to Northampton, and there beheaded. (Dugd. Bar. vol. ii. p. 230;
Warkworth's Chronicle, p. 6.)
HEN11Y V. AND HENRY VI. 23
charge and comandement, touching the delyverance of this youre
toune of Caleys. And, full high and mightie prince, and oure right
gracieux and moste douted souverainge lorde, God of his might and
grace ever preserve and kepe unto his plesaunce your noble per-
sonne, with perfit encres of yeres and right good lif and longe, for
his muche mercy, etc. Writen
X.
A LETTER FROM THE SAME OFFICERS TO THE DUKE OF
BEDFORD.
FULL high and mightie Prince and oure right gracieux douted
lorde, also [as] lowly as in any wise we best mowen or cannen we
us recomande unto yo r high and mightie lordeship, unto which
plese it to understand, that we received no we late, by the haiides%of
worshipfull Squier Richard Wydebyle, youre counseller and cham~
berlayn, youre honorable letters in date of the xv. day of Ffeverer
[February], with certain credence therupon be him to us exposed
the teneur of which we have well conceived and understande [un-
derstood] as wel as the teneur of other gracieux letters of the Kinges
oure souverainge lorde, now late be youre saide counseller and
chamberlayn to be delivered and declared. Unto which letters of
the Kinges oure forsaid souveraing lorde, and credence upon the
same, we, [who] alwaye han ben^ beth [are], and wol be, during
oure lyves, his veray trewe and obeissant subjetes, as trewly disposed
to oure ligeance, hanen, after oure simple pouer [poor] discrecions,
devised answers suche as we trusten to Almightie God shalbe unto
his plesaunce. Beseching yo r saide lordeshippe, ful high and
mightie prince, and our right douted gracious lorde, that where as
we hanen now late, and incontinent forthwith, at tharrivaille of y our
said counseller and chamberlayn at this said town of Caleis, sent
certain messages [messengers ?] ffelawes of oures, unto oure worship-
24 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
full and right derc lorde therle of Warrewick, now late oure
capitaine, to lete him have knowleche of the said letters, as wel as
of the will of oure forsaide souveraing lorde, touching the de-
liverance of this his toune of Caleis; of which in al haste possible
[we] truste to have answere, [and that] hit be unto yo r highness no
displesaunce ; bot that oure poore worshippes and honestees in that
partie mowen bee favourably recommended unto youre said high
and mightie lordeship ; submitting us hooly ther inne unto youre
good grace and ordinance, as they that hertely beeth disposed to
obeye all youre honorable desires and doo youe true service at oure
simple pouers. And, full high and mightie prince, and oure right
douted and gracieux Lorde, God of his might and grace ever youe
preserve and kepe, with perfite helthe of personne, and right good
lyf and longe, for his muche mercy.
XI.
A PETITION BY J. B. (A SUSPECTED LOLLARD) TO KING
HENRY V.
IT is very difficult to say what manner of man J. B. the author of this
curious petition was. That he was an ecclesiastic, and considered himself sus-
pected of Lollardism, there is no doubt ; but, although there were grounds for
suspicion, he was nevertheless no Lollard. Still he greatly fears and distrusts
the ecclesiastical authorities, and has no hope of justice except from the King
himself. He had been compelled by false leasings to take sanctuary at West-
minster, and is anxious that the King should himself determine his cause. He
asks, first, that a particular service or manual of devotion to our Lady in Latin,
" containing all the Bible, with great part of Catholic doctors for the better
understanding of the same Bible," may be freely used by any one, and specially
that it may be used by what he terms "a private religion," meaning, as I con-
ceive, a religious confraternity called " Christ's Knights." This is what he
mainly aims at ; but, inasmuch as he intimates, besides, a very orthodox desire
11 Ps. iv. 2 ; v. 6.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 25
to " werry the heathen and other heretics," in order to consolidate the unity
of the Church under "our holy Father the Pope of Home'" one would have
thought the Bishop of London would have deemed the purity of his faith unim-
peachable. He was, however, accused of having affixed some letter to the
gate of Thomas Falconer, Lord Mayor in 1414-15, and had been cast into
the Penitentiary of St. Paul's.' He was further accused of favouring Lord
Cobham ; of possessing a Lollard book " they clepe the Lanthorn of Light ;"
and of lately organizing and abetting a Lollard rising at Coventry. He
denies the truth of all and every of these allegations ; but the possession
of the book was suspicious. A copy of the "Lanthorn of Light" "bound
in red leather, of parchment, written in a good English hand," had been
found in the hands of one John Claydon, a currier, a poor relapsed Lollard, who,
a few years earlier, had been delivered over to the secular arm. The examination
of the book was on that occasion referred to a committee of ecclesiastics, one of
whom was the famous William Lyndwood, author of the "Provinciate" and, if their
report is to be trusted, it was highly abusive of the Pope and the bishops. It is,
however, remarkable that, amongst the fifteen heretical propositions which the
committee found in the book, one (the sixth) is directly condemnatory of
" private religions," the very institutions one of which J. B. wished to intro-
duce. 6 Lord Cobham, who was condemned for heresy by Archbishop Arundel,
10th October, 1413, c was executed in December, 1417. d The Duke of Bedford
was Lieutenant of the kingdom in 1415, and again in 1417, when the King was
absent from England. 6 The Duke of Gloucester was appointed to the post,
30th December, 1419. f Tfae King was at home from February to June, 1421,*
a It is not very clear what the words " Penitauncery of Poules " mean. I conceived
them to indicate an ecclesiastical court ; but it has been suggested, on high authority,
that they, more probably, mean an episcopal prison, the use of which, as regarded sus-
pected heretics, was sanctioned by an Act of the 2 Henry IV. I do not however find, in
Dugdale's History of St. Paul's, any trace of either a court or prison so named attached to
the metropolitical cathedral. Under the word " Peenitentiaria,' 1 '' Ducange has "Tri-
bunal Romanum cui praeest Poenitentiarius Major," and he defines " Poenitentiarius ' 1
to be a dignity instituted in cathedral churches by the Council of Trent (Session 24,
cap. 8, and Sess. 14, cap. 7), having power to absolve in reserved cases. He adds, how-
ever, that this dignity existed long before the Council of Trent. (Ducange, v. 326.) The
name of an office might very soon pass into the name of a place; and, in modern Eng-
lish, this change has occurred with reference to this very word.
b Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. iii. p. 532. "The Lanthorn of Light" was after-
wards printed by Robert Redman. Ames's Typog. Antiq. (Dibdin's edit.) vol. iii. p. 246.
c Rymer, ix. 61. Pauli, v. 147, 148.
e Rymer, ix. 305, 475. f Rymer, ix. 830.
* Pauli, v. 166, 169.
CAMD. SOC. E
26 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
and the Duke of Bedford was reappointed the 10th June, 1421 . I conceive
this petition to have been presented to the King in the spring of 1421. The
Bishop of London of the period was Richard Clifford. b The text is both obscure
and corrupt; but I must leave the document and its apparent contradictions as
I find them.
SADELY, mekely and truely bcsecheth youre true liegeman and
continuel devoute bedrnan J. B., that sythen, by fals lesinges, he is
neded to holde youre and god is Seintwary [God's sanctuary] of
Westminster, ffor drede of fals prisonnement and gratter wronges,
that ye wolde yeve him leev and hardiness to plaine to yow, and
ye youreself, in youre owne solempne propre personne, withouten
any other Juge, spirituel or temporel, be youe or any other, to be
assigned in this cas, as fer [as] youre pouer streches, to here him ;
And who that wol obiect ayainest him, on bothe sides, to alegge and
prove; And thann youre owene self, at thende, whann ye have all
thinges wel herd and conceived, yeve sentence diffinityf. And,
namely, of a service of oure ladye, in laten, contening al the bible,
with gret part of Catholic Doctours for the better understanding of
that same bible. And this service for devocion take it whoo so wol,
who so nil leef, and hit fully to be saide, foure tymes a yeere, or, at
the lest, twice; and the labour, on the day, no^t fully Hi houres; which
fourme of service he asketh to be confermed soo, that, whooever wol
use hit, mo we bodely [boldly?], withouten sclaundre or defame of all
manere unleeffulness ; and also the same he asketh for a privat religion,
named cristys Knightis, for the same service to use. And also to
werry [make war, (Chaucer)'] on the hethen and other heretikes,
bothe gostely & bodely, in all law full manere, to make oo [one]
foulde and one herde, oure Lorde Jhu [Jesu] criste, and his chief
Vicar in erthe, oure hooly ffader the pope of Rome. Of which ma-
tiers the same John [viz. J. B. before mentioned] toke up thre
bookes, to be examined, to his ordinarie, bishop of London, sone
after Estir last was ; asking therof aunswere. Bote he maye none
yet have, ne his bookes neithr, ne of divers billes [letters] that he
Rymer, x. 129. b F ast i Eccl. Angl. vol. ii. p. 294.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 27
hath sent sithen. Of whech therfor he asketh youe, liege lorde,
both aunswer and deliverance; and also of fals lesinges falsly he
[knoweth] not by whome put on him, that ye wolde holde and
declare him ful innocent, ffor, got wote, soo he is. Of which lesings
one is, that he shulde have made a letter y sett upon Faukener is
gate thanne maire of London, and [he is] cast into the Penitauncery
of Poules. [The 2d not stated.] The thridde, in declaring [himself
in favour ?] of John Oldecastell, Knyght. The fourthe, a booke thei
clepe the launtern of light ; the v te that he shulde, at Coventre, Sun-
day thre wekes nexte bifore Lammesse day last was, have taught and
stirred Loullers to rise; the vi te . that he shulde have made vi hun-
dred tabardes for the same entent. And, to fore god, liege lord, al
is fals and falsly fayned; and that he is ever redy to declare him-
self, oonely yn yo r noble presence, right as ye and youre rightwise
la we wolle: and yet, every day, they countrefet nue lesinges, soo
that he may not poursue aunswer of his service and religion aforsaide.
And therfore, liege lorde, til these matiers be al finisshed, he asketh,
freely, youre true and faithfull highest and most free and gracious
protection, in all manere causes to ayeinst all manere of men, of what
condition ever it be, he in no wise be letted : bote alwaye mowe
safe goo at large, to poursue his nedes in this cas; and to take his
ful counsseil withoute al manere of prisonnement, and othir letting
whatever, ye mowe deffende. And also, evermore, to have free
honest commynge unto youre owen rial presence, in due time and
place, withouten any lettyng, at his owen wille; ffor he findeth youe
god and at hese to borogh (?). That that he wol never this flye, but
redi appere^ and youre lawfull sentence ever abyde, and with goode
will take. And, on this condicion, bote not elles, he forsaketh all
other priviliges and libertees of Sanctewary, ever bounden to yow
and to youre righwys laws; ffor, god wote, he toke never Sante-
wary bote for fere of fals prisonnementes, and therfor he besecheth
you leeveth [that ye believe] not lyers against him, ffor [fore] god,
he saith ne meneth bote treuthe. And all this, liege lorde, as fer as
god may be plesed, and ye not displcsed, he requireth you, bifore
28 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OP
godc, at his endelcs dome, [that ye hear] and also that ye see and
conceive an Informacion in latin of the same Religion, which he
tooke to myn excellent and worthie lorde your brother, thanne youre
lieutenant, also noble Due of Bedford. And, more over, he asketh
you al that ever he shulde, pertening and helping to this matiere,
and all that is impertinent and harmyng to be had awaye. And
ever to have libertee to adde and minise [minish ?] chaunge and
amende, as hit may him most speede ; and in noo waye delay e ne
hinder, thogh he [knowjnot what it is. Therfore evermore, he asketh
yow also al manere true and faithfull counsseill in this matier; for
he is bot right simple, ne greet truste hath not ferrer [further?]
thanne in god and yow. Lete hym not therfore be deceived, for
godds love allmighte. And therfore, if ayenst this peticion any
processe be made of any maner Juge spirituel or temporell, and soo
the same John have wronge, thanne he provoketh and appelleth
this cause directly to the rightwisness of god and to the liege lorde,
ffor other juges in this matere he hath utterly suspecte, for greet
wronges that he hath had, dreding to have more. He therfor hem
utterly recuseth, and herto he fully him submitteth. Al this and
eche parcel therof he asketh yow, and requireth oonly to have right,
for god is [God's] love, etc.
XII.
A LETTER FROM THE SOVEREIGN TO
THIS letter seems to have been written by Henry the Fifth, or Henry the
Sixth, (I incline to think by the former sovereign,) from France ; but to whom
I am wholly unable to say. The only particular of any importance it discloses,
is notice of the fact that, at one period, the King of England felt so sure of
retaining France, that it was contemplated having one chancellor for both
realms. I cannot discover who W. M. was ; but Richard Leyot was a person
of some note. I have not found that he ever held any distinct office under
the Crown ; but he was a churchman mentioned more than once in Rymer as
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 29
having been employed, during the reigns of both Henry the Fifth and Henry
the Sixth. He was a prebendary of Lichfield in 1431, a and advanced to the
dignity of Dean of Salisbury in 1446. He died 16 June 1449. b This letter is
merely a fragment.
EIGHT trusty and welbelovyd. We grete yow wel. And for as
muche as that we ben advised for to have but oon Chaunceller, bothe
for oure metiers that we have adoo in this land, and also in England^
We writen at this tyme unto oure right trusty & welbelovyd
Clerc, Maistre Richard Leyot, for to send us over into this lande, in
all, goodely haste, oure seal that he hathe in his keping. And we
wol that he be forthe of oure counssail, as that he was bifore, and
more over, sith that oure lorde hathe taken owte of this worlde W-
M., that in his lyf was oure trewe servant, as we truste verraly,
whoos soule god for his mercy assoille: we wol and charge yow
that ye sende unto us oure Signett, that he hadd in kepinge, and
certilfie us alweys, fro tyme to tyme, by comers betwene, of suche
tidings as that ye han.
XIII.
A DECLARATION OR MEMORANDUM OF THOMAS EOWLEY.
JAMES THE FIRST, King of Scotland, had been most unjustly arrested in the
year 1406, when a child, by King Henry the Fourth, while on his way to
France. He remained in confinement during the reigns of Henry the Fourth,
Henry the Fifth, and until the second year of Henry the Sixth (1423). In
this year he was released, on an undertaking to pay, within six years, the sum
of 40,000^., not for ranson, but for his "support and education." Before return-
ing home, he espoused in London, Joanna, niece of Richard the Second by the
mother's side, and, through her father, John Duke of Somerset, granddaughter
of John of Gaunt, and was presented on his marriage-day with a discharge for
10,000/., being one quarter of the stipulated sum. c The 10,000 marks men-
Fasti Ecc. Ang. vol. i. p. 601. b n,id. vol. ii. p. 616.
Scott's Hist, of Scotland, vol. i. p. 258.
30 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
tioned in this memorandum were no doubt another instalment of the sum in
question. A " cedul " appears to have been added to the original document
sealed by Thomas Roweley. Thomas Roweley, Roulle, or Roule, was an eccle-
siastic, and chaplain to James the First, King of Scotland. He seems to have
been a diplomatic agent whose services were often required by his master. 4
IN the yere of grace MIIII C XXVI, Theffriday vi te day of the monethe
of Decembre, Maister Thomas Koweley Clerc, for certain causes
y commen from high and mighte Prince the Kyng of Scotland, unto
the Kyng oure Souverainge Lorde, and to his greet Counseill. After
certain communication y had at Westminster, betwene hym and
Richard Bok eland, Tresorer and Vitailler of Caleys, as touching the
paiement of the some of x m 1 marcs be the saide Kinge of Scotland,
owing, as be terme runnen, after the stablement of the same, and due
to be paied unto the Kynge our saide souverainge lorde in the Cite
of London, made hym strange, b as in the saide Kinges name of Scot-
land, and said unto the saide Kichard Bokeland at the saide West-
minster, That at the ferthest be the ferste Sunday Clene Lenton c
nexte comynge the seid somne of x m 1 marcs holy shulde & shalbe redy
in money to the value of good nobles, mountyng, the same somne
to be paied within the toune of Bruges in Flaundres, unto all suche
personnes or personne as thereof han or shullen have pouer & auc-
torite sufficient, be the Kinge our saide Souverainge lorde, and that
withouten any longer delaies makyng hym strange. d Over [further?]
that the said Maister Thomas permitting that, upon that the said
Kinge of Scotland in al goodly haste shall sende his letters seeled
under his seel unto the lordes of the Counsseil of oure said souve-
rainge lorde, promising & afferming the same. In Witenesse of
whiche thing the said Maister Thomas unto this cedul hath sett his
seel day & yere aboven rehersed.
Acts of Privy Council, vol. iii. p. 357; Rot. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 258a, 2596, 261a, 2626,
2656, 2696, 275ct & b, and 282a; Rymer, x. pp. 428 and 431.
b Made it a matter of difficulty. See Canterbury Tales, 11,535.
See Paston Letters, xxii. vol. i. p. 297.
d i.e. without any further difficulty.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 31
XIV.
A LETTER FROM TO RICHARD FJLEMMYNG,
v BISHOP OF LINCOLN.
THE bishop to whom this letter was addressed was a Bishop of Lincoln, Slea-
ford having been formerly a residence of the Bishops of Lincoln. His Lord-
ship was plainly " in trouble," and, from his having to sue the King's Council
for his temporalities, I conclude this was the "trouble" and "adversity" that
is alluded to in the letter. This circumstance seems to point out Richard
Flemmyng, who was Bishop of Lincoln from 1419-20 to 1430-1.* Richard
Flemmyng was born in Yorkshire of a good family, b and educated at University
College, Oxford. He took his degrees of B.A. and M.A., and was a proctor in
1407 and 1408. In early youth he inclined strongly to the doctrines of Wick-
liffe ; but, " his mouth being stopped with preferment" not only his zeal cooled,
but he became a determined enemy to all church reform." He was made
Rector of Boston in Lincolnshire, Prebendary of South Newbald, and (by ex-
change) of Langtoft, d both in the arch-diocese of York, and, in 1419-20, was
promoted to the see of Lincoln. 6 In 1423 he was present at the Council of
Sienna f (Senense), and so distinguished himself there that the Pope (Martin
V.)*made him his Chamberlain,^ and the following year (1424) promoted him
to the Archbishopric of York. This preferment Richard Flemmyng unwarily
accepted without the permission of the King's Council. 11 The Council there-
upon seized the temporalities of Lincoln, compelled the prelate to renounce
the archbishopric, and the Pope was fain to retranslate him (in 1425) by the
style of Richard Archbishop of York to his former see. 1 It was on this occa-
a Fasti Eccles. Anglic, ii. 17.
b Illustribus in Anglia natus parentibus (Pitseus, t. 1, p. 615).
c Antiq. Oxon. (Gutch) iv. 234. When I first walked up the nave of Lincoln Cathedral
I almost forgave Richard Flemmyng for wishing to preserve things as they were.
d Ibid. 234 n. (4). e Fasti Ecc. Angl. ii. 17.
f Pitseus, t. i. p. 615. This author gives, as the date of this Council, 1424, sed vide
contra Chron. of Hist. (Nicolas) 252. Anthony Wood, by mistake, calls it the Council of
Sens (Antiq. Oxon. 234), which was held in 1485 (Nicolas, 253).
8 See the Latin epitaph published by Anthony Wood as having been formerly on the
tomb, but which was not there in 1640 (Antiq. Oxon. (Gutch) iv. 235, 236).
h The King's Council had assented to the election of Philip Bishop of Worcester to the
Archbishopric. (Acts of Privy Council, vol. iii. xxviii. 71.)
1 Fasti Eccl. Angl. vol. ii. p. 17, where see, in the footnote, a very remarkable letter
32 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
sion that Richard Flemmyng petitioned, in most abject style, for the restitution
of his temporalities,* and they were restored 3rd August, 1426. b Richard
Flemmyng obtained a royal license, dated 12 Oct. 1427, to found Lincoln
College in Oxford, to educate persons who should write, preach, and dispute
against the " damnable doctrine " of Wickliffe. He died, however, at Lincoln,
the 25th January, 1430-1, before his college was actually founded. I am
struck with the unrelenting hostility shown by this bishop to the memory of
one, whom in his youth he had so much admired. He it was who was selected
by the Council of Sienna to execute the decree of the Council of Constance,
which directed that the bones of the great reformer should be exhumed ; to
which, as one of Wickliffe's biographers observes, he, in his zeal, added the
burning thetn.<* I believe this letter to have been written in 1426; and I have
a suspicion that Bishop Beckington, at that time archdeacon of Buckingham,
was the writer. I can discover nothing with regard to " Alisaundre the Lum-
bard" Anderby, Thomas Soresby, or Wyche. There was a Richard Wychc,
who may have been living in 1426, who, like Richard Flemmyng, had once
been a follower of Wickliffe, and who was compelled to recant. 6 Perhaps he
was the last of the persons named.
\
RIGHT Worsliipfull ffadir in Gode, .and my worshipfull lorde, I
recommende me unto youre lordeshipe, yn all due wise; and like hit
youre lordeshipe to wite, that I have received youre letters writen at
Sleford the x day of Januer, rehercyng, muche things, the which, as
ye affirme, is iche [each] worde true, on peyne of your unworshipe.
By the which youre letters I understand, yn especial, that, touching
the cxxx 11 , that I paied of myn owen goods to Alisaundre for your
bulles, the same Alisaundre muste paye me ayen; and Anderby to
hym the said somme, as ye writen. Sir, I mervaille right muche,
and can noght have mer vailed to muche, that ye soo writen, consi-
dering, namely, how, at your departing hens, and many tyme before,
from the Council to the Lord Chancellor, on the occasion. There is in Flemmyng's
Register, circa 1424, very distinct intimation of the see being then vacant.
Rot. Parl. iv. 311. "a Fasti Eccl. Anglic, ii 17
c Antiq. Oxon. (Gutch) iv. 236, 237. Reg. Flem. fo. 36.
d L'Enfant, Hist, du Cone, de Const, lib. ii. vol. i. p. 157; Lewis's Life of Wickliffe,
p. 280; Godwyn de Prsesulibus Anglise, p. 297; and Lynd wood's Provinciate, lib. v. tit. 4,
p. 284, note c. Lyndwood's annotator seems, however, to consider the " burning " as having
been ordered by the Pope. e Fasc> Zizan> p 501>
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 33
withe much more langage thanne is now to be reherced, ye desired
and praied me, with greet instance, to sue unto my lordes of the kinges
counsaille for deliverance of youre temporaltees ; like as y did, full
diligently, God knoweth. And, also, ye praied me to spede your
bulles towards you, as soone as thei werecomen; ye rehercyng, how
greetly the delaying of youre said bulles might skaythe you. The
which bulles hider commen, because that they might not be geten
oute of the Lumbard J s hands, on lasse than the forsaide somme first
paied, as youre servants Maister Thomas Soresby and Wyche
knowen well, and also the Lumbard wol recorde, thei besoght and
praied me right instantly, on youre behalve, to content the Lumbard
of the said somme ; and soo I did, with right good wille (God
knoweth) in thaire presence, the xxvi day of August; receyving of
~Alisaundre a cedul of the said somme, upon good and justrekenyng,
betwix you and hym. And this is so clere, that hit may no3t be
said nay unto (I am seure) yf they be wel avised. Wherefore I
may well mervaille of that ye write, that ye had no knowlege that
I paied for yow the forsaid somme. Of which paiement Alisaundre
also saieth, playnely, he certified yow, by letters diverse; and therby
he wol abide. The which bulles, yn wise beforsaid, by me receyved,
I sent thaym to yow, by youre seid servants, havyng, at all tymes,
ful grete tendernesse and rewth ( God knoweth) of your adversitie,
thogh it be litill considered. And, as touching the c u . that, as ye
write, ye spake to Anderby of at Sleford, etc. trewly, as me seemeth,
I quyte me soo to yow in that matere, amonges other, as were thanke
worth, and [if] it be well remembred. Natheles, of that and muche
more I passe over, at this tyme, and praye yow hertely that, consi-
dered this that here is reherced, and the remenant that might be
reherced, of my trew and kynde service unto yow, in youre trouble,
ye wolle ordaine, in savyng your owen worship and me harmeles,
that I be paied, as reason and good conscience wollen ; soo that, for
deffaute of paiement, I be nojt constreint to pourvey me of othir
remedye, that were me lothe ; the which, after answere of this letter
had from yow, I must nedes and thenke [think] to doo, on lesse than
CAMD. SOC. F
34 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
ye woll content me. And, sir, I am seure ye wol no3t gruche so to
doo, wel avised; ffor hit were to muche ayeinst youre worship,
ayeinst good conscience, and ayeinst all gentilnesse, that I shulde
thus straungely be quyte [requited] for my kyndenesse, and, pera-
venture, cause many men herafter, that han will to do you service,
wittyng herof, to be warre by me that God deffende [forbid] for
youre sake, more than for myn. Right worshipfull, etc. the hooly
Trinitee have yow evermore in his kepyng. Writen, etc.
XV. (1).
A LETTER PROM AN OFFICER AT CALAIS, ON BEHALF OF HIM-
SELF AND OTHERS, TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD.
I HAVE no hesitation in assigning the five following letters to the year 1428. I
have less confidence in my having placed them in their right order. They
chiefly relate to the displeasure shown by Richard Beauchamp Earl of War-
wick towards Richard Bokeland,* Treasurer of Calais, Richard Wydvile, b
Chamberlain to the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, and Lowis John,
Warden of the Mint in London and. at Calais, in consequence of their having,
Ante, p. 16. b Ante, p. 21.
c Lowis, Lewis, Lodowick, or Lodewyke John was the representative of an ancient
family (which also bore the name of Fitz-Lewis) formerly possessing property in Herts,
but much more in Essex. It is said that the first of the family was the offspring of an
intrigue of Prince Lewis (afterwards Lewis VIII.) of France with an English lady, when,
in 1216, that prince invaded England, at the invitation of the barons opposed to King
John. (Morant, vol. i. pp. 212, 213, note p.) It must, however, be admitted that the
name Lewis John is intensely Welsh ; and that he, in a petition presented by him to Par-
liament, in 1414, speaks of himself as of Welsh extraction. (Rot. Parl. iv. 45.) Lewis
John was Warden of the Mint at London and Calais, and also Master of the Mint under
Henry the Fifth. (Ruding's Annals of British Coinage, vol. i. pp. 33, 57.) The Hertford-
shire property of this family was near Hatfield, where the name of Ludwick's or Lodwick's
Hyde still lingers. (Clutterbuck, vol. ii. p. 357; Chauncy, p. 311.) Members of this
family represented the county of Herts in 27 and 31 Edward III. and 1 Hen. IV. Lewis
John was married three times, and Horndon or Thorndon Hall, in the parish of West
Thorndon, with other lands in Essex, came to him by his third marriage, in 1438, with an
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 35
as he conceived, caused his removal from the captainship of Calais. The
charge is most strenuously denied by one of the three, who I believe to have
been Richard Bokeland ; but, although the Duke of Bedford interested him-
self warmly on their behalf, both by word of mouth and by letter, the Earl
seems to have remained still of the same mind. Wydvile appears to have
vainly attempted to exculpate himself by throwing the blame on Bokeland and
Lowis John ; the latter, so far as appears, was silent. How far the Earl was
justified in his suspicions it is impossible now to say, but a very sufficient rea-
son for his ceasing to command at Calais existed in his being called upon, on
the first of June of this year, to preside over the education of the young King
Henry VI. a a duty which would of course require his presence in England,
and which, very likely, he thought more honourable than agreeable, especially
in time of war. The Duke of Bedford, who had lately been in England, had
now returned to France. There is no doubt that he had at this period suc-
ceeded in detaching the Duke of Britanny from his alliance with King Charles
VII. b of France ; but I have not discovered any trace of the particular meeting
of the two Dukes, which, it would seem, was expected to take place on the
20th of May at Rouen. Thomas de Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, whose
coming is said to be "right needful and expedient," landed from England at
Calais in July, 1428, with reinforcements, taking the Earl of Warwick's place
with the Duke of Bedford, who was now at Paris. d He proceeded southwards,
and was killed, 3rd November, 1428, at that fatal siege of Orleans, where the
English, in the spring of 1429, received their first check from Joan of Arc."
The Duke of Bedford was made Captain of Calais by patent bearing date the
5th December, 1428. f The office of Treasurer of England was held at this
time by Walter Lord Hungerford.s
Essex heiress. (Magna Brit. Essex, p. 684.) He died in 1442. (Inquis. post mortem,
21 Hen. VI.)
Ry. x. 399; Rot. Parl. v. 41 la; Acts of Privy Council, iii. 296; and Pat. 6 H. VI.
p. 2, m. 5. The "Articles declaring how the Earl of Warwick took charge of Henry VI."
which Sir John Fenn has prefixed to the Paston Letters, were not entered into on this
occasion, but are of a later date (11 Hen. VI.).
b Lobineau, Hist, de Bretagne, torn. i. p. 572.
c Acta Regia, vol. ii. p. 244. d Hall, 143.
e Lord Salisbury was mortally wounded at Orleans, but died at Meung sur-Loire, the
3rd November, 1428. Of him an old French author (Lefebre de St. Denis), quoted by
a modern historian, writes thus: "Plus vaillant homme que lui ne fut en Angleterre, ni
ne put tre sous le soleil." (Martin, Hist, de France, vii. 7, 41, 47, 48.)
1 Rot. Franc. 7 Hen. VI. m. 1.
g Walter Lord Hungerford held high office under the Crown, during the reigns of
36 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
Letter 1 was certainly addressed to the Duke of Bedford, probably to Paris,
by certain officers at Calais ; and, although Bokeland, Wydvile, and Lowis
John are named in the third person, it is clear from the Duke's reply that
they were the writers. "Oure Lorde youre brother" must refer to Humphrey
Duke of Gloucester, who conducted the home government as Protector, in the
absence of the Duke of Bedford, but who seems at this time to have had some
command at Calais.
Letter 2 is from the Duke of Bedford to the writers of Letter 1. He has
spoken to the Earl of Warwick, and now incloses a letter to him respecting
" the hevynesse " he entertains towards Bokeland and his friends, and he tells
them how they ought to conduct themselves towards him. The advice given
as to certain payments due to the Earl seems to refer to some letter from
them, which has not been preserved.
Letter 3 from Bokeland to a friend (perhaps a brother) in personal at-
tendance on the Duke of Bedford, expresses much gratitude to the Duke,
and affection to his correspondent, who seems to have written Bokeland a
letter, which has been also lost. Notwithstanding the Duke's letter, the Earl
maintains his " hevy lordship " to Wydvile, Lowis John, and him, but specially
to him. He hopes the Duke will still stand his friend, or he fears he must resign
his post. He also states his reasons for feeling a difficulty in complying with
the Duke's wishes, with regard to the payments due to the Earl of Warwick.
Letter 4 was, I conceive, written to Bokeland from Paris by his friend in
attendance on the Duke, probably early in May 1428. From its contents it would
seem to have been sent to Calais with the Duke's letter. The notices of Lords
Salisbury and Talbot are interesting. The siege mentioned at the end of the
letter, as in preparation, was probably not of Laval, but Orleans.
Letter 5 was certainly written by Bokeland to Richard Wydvile, who,
being Chamberlain to the Duke of Bedford, was probably with him at Paris.
Bokeland complains that Wydvile has tried to make his peace with the Earl,
at the expense of his friends. He professes great difficulty in believing that
Henry the Fourth, Henry the Fifth, and Henry the Sixth. He served in France under
Henry the Fifth, received grants in that country, and \vas made a Knight of the Garter.
He was also one of the King's executors. He was, for many years, Lord Treasurer of
England, and sat in Parliament as Baron Hungerford from 4 Hen. VI. (1426) to 27
Hen. VI. (1449). He died in 1449, and was buried in Salisbury cathedral. (Dugd. Bar.
vol. ii. pp. 204, 205, 206.) Notwithstanding the minute directions given by this nobleman
m his will (Test. Vet. vol. i. p. 257) as to his place of sepulture, scarcely a trace of it
exists. Walter Lord Hungerford resided chiefly at Farley Castle, otherwise Farley Mont-
ford, on the borders of "Wilts and Somersetshire. The remains of Farley Castle are said
to be very trifling. (Hungerfordiana, p. 102.)
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 37
Wydvile can have so acted. He ends his letter, however, by giving his corre-
spondent a piece of news with which Wydvile, from his position with the Duke,
was probably well acquainted.
OURE right dredfull and moste gracious lorde, with entier hum-
bless of oure poure and obeissaunts hertes, we recommande us unto
youre high and noble grace. Like hit unto youre highness to un-
derstand, how that wee ben enformed by the Tresourer of England,
that he is instructed by yo r highness for to reforme youre patent of
the Capitaineshippe of the toune and castell of Caleys. Whereupon
he desireth us, youre poure servants, to sue it forth ; whiche we
dare not take upon us, with outen special commandement and sup-
portacion of yow therin; considering that nowe oure lorde of
Warrewik sheweth himself alwaye hevy lorde to Wydevile, Lowis
John, and Kichard Bokeland, surmetting upon thayme that they
were causers therof [i. e. of his removal from the Captainship
of Calais], which God knoweth the contrary, saving yo r com-
mandement, that all youre trewe ferendes as all youre poure ser-
vants dyd and as thayme owe of right to doone [as they ought of
right to have done], and ever woll, to thaire lyves ende, in that and
maters other. Wherfor, and it like unto yo r goode grace, we
thenke that it were right necessarye to directe youre letters unto
oure lorde youre brother, as well as unto the lordes of the Counsail,
to have us, yo r poure servants, recommended unto thaire goode
grace, as for al suche matere as we shall poursue unto thayme in
yo r behalf, and in especial in this matere abovesaid ; and for how
many yeres that ye desire to have [your patent made out] . Oure
right, etc. We besech the blessed and gracieux Trinitee ever to
preserve yow in honneur and prosperitee, and sende yow victory e
of alle yo r enemys.
38 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
XVI. (2).
A LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF BEDFORD TO THE OFFICERS
AT CALAIS.
EIGHT trusty and wel-belovyd, We grete you well, And doo you
to wite that we han received and seen yo r letters that ye han nowe
late sent us, and fully che understanden the contenue of thayme ; of
the whiche we thanke yow right hertely, and pray yow that, for oure
comforte, ye wol continue to write forth unto us, and certiffie us,
from tyme to tyme, of all suche tidings as that ye shall have; and,
as touching unto the hevynesse that oure cousyn of Warrewyk hath
unto yow, we have spoken unto hym therof, and praied him, that,
by contemplacion of oure praier, he wol be yowr goode lorde, and
remoeve his saide hevynesse from yowe. And nowe we writen unto
hym also for the same cause, rijt tenderly, by oure letters; the
whiche we sende yow with these, prayeng yow hertely, that ye
wol gouvern yow unto him in alle wise goodely and frendely , as that
ye owe to doo; and, as unto that that [ye] desire, by yo r said let-
ters, for to be certiffied from us, howe that we wol that ye shall
gouvern and demene yow from hens forthwards, in the payments
that ye shall make unto oure saide Cousyn, we wol and pray yow,
that, by youre goode discrecion, ye gouvern yowe in suche wise
therin, as that ye thenke that ye owe to doo of right and reason;
tendering in asmuche as that ye goodely may oure saide Cousyn in
his forsaide payments. And oure Lorde, etc.
XVII. (3).
A LETTER FROM KICHARD BOKELAND TO
RIGHT worshipfull Brother, I commende me to yow, etc. and have
received my lordes letters, oon direct to piy lorde of Warrewik,
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 39
another to me, of whiche I beseche yow to tlianke lowly his
goode and gracious lordeship on my poure behalf, with due
recommendacion, etc. And grauntmercy, brother, hertely of youre
kynde and gentill letter to me (right welcome at this tyme
and at all tymes, prayeng yow entierly of continuance, at suche
tymes as ys yo r goode Iay3er,) and mene commyng betwix for
my recomfort singular [i.e. thanking you for your intervention],
certiffieng me also, yf ther be anything that lyeth in me here
to doo to youre plesaunce as hym that ye shall fynde als well
willing and as hertely doo hit to my powaire as that that toucheth
myn owen personne treuly. And, brother, touching thanswer of
youre letter, wol ye wite, that my maisters, etc. presented my
lordes letters unto my lorde of Warrewik, with as goodely Ian-
gage of lowly submission on my behalf, that I might be received to
myn answer and excuses, as we cowthe devyse. Natheles, yn con-
clusion, it wol nojt be, as yet, me to greet sorowe and hevyness,
that never, at my witting, yave any cause or occasion of suche dis-
plesaunce unto his lordeshipp, but have doo [done] and wolde doo,
God knoweth, to my saide lorde of Warrewyk any servyce to my
connyng and powaire, that him luste [that he may choose to] com-
maunde me with all myn hert, for to stande yn grace and favour of
his goode lordeshipp, as I have ever desired. But, as I am lerned,
he surmittethe to me as for cause principal of his offense and hevy
lordeshipp to me wardes, like as he doeth to my cousin Wydvyle
and to Lowis John, but principally to me, that I shulde have be
the first fynder, chief sterer, and grettest causer that my lorde [i.e.
the Duke of Bedford] hadd thoffice of Capitaine of Caleys, as I have
certified youe or [ere] this, the which cause wele considered, hit
t semeth to many men here, that hit fitteth my lorde to supporte,
socour, and remedy his poure servants here yn suche cas and sem-
blable, bering maugree [ill-will] for his service, yf they shul
darre to doo his lordeshipp trew and profitable service in his
absence, the whiche, withoute his special supportacion, can no3t be
don, and eche day wers than other. Wherfor, brother, I pray yow
40 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
right hertely, and as instantely as I can, meveth [to move] my lords
counssail there, to stere him to tendre the poure degree of all his
servants here, and specially of me, amonges other, that at this tyme
here [bear] mooste maugre, the which, withouten socour of his
lordeshipp, may not doo him suche service as were thaire desire and
dutee ; and if like to my lordes grace to write any more in this ma-
tere unto my lorde of Warrewyk for me, I pray you, brother,
sendeth [send] me a cope of my lordes letters closed in youres for
my more redy instruccion, ffor my lorde of Warrewyk is soo sore
meved ayenst me in this matere, as I am plainely enformed that,
onless than my lorde shewe me the better and more singular lorde-
ship, men sayen hit hadde be muche better for me to have surcesed
of my service longe or this. And therfor, brother, as ye be that
personne that I have singular truste and affeccion unto, amonges all
the servants that longeth to my lorde, I beseche yow doo suche dili-
gence anenst my lorde for remedy of this maugree be youre goode
discrecion, as I, with other his servants here, may stande in herts
ese and seuretee for to doo him service here, like as, amonge all
erthely desirs, is my special desire, and ever hope hath be to doo; and
that I might have answer herof in alle goodely hast. Also, brother,
there as my lordes letters maketh mencion, that I shulde gouvern
me as tenderly as I can in preferring the payments due to my saide
lorde of Warrewyk, God knoweth my will were to plese my lord
of Warrewyk in that or in any other thing to me possible ; but it is
harde for me to preferre thos payments withouten importable [insup-
portable] maugre on other parties. Considering that all thassigne-
raents of Caleys wol no3t suffice yerely to paye my lorde and his
soudeours and the remenant of the Cappitaines of the Marches, that
is to saye, my lord of Gloucestre and his souldeours of theire part,
and semblably other captaines of theires, so that the preferment of
of my saicie lorde of Warrewyk moste [must] of necessite cause my
lorde and his souldeours to renne [run] muche the more in dette,
the whiche I mooste charge. Natheles, yf my lorde wol, algates, that
it so be, I pray yow certify me therof, and I shal be redy til obeye
HENRY V. AND HEN It Y VI. 41
his commandement with right good wille, as my dutee requireth, yn
that, and in all other, to my powaire, while I leve, with Gods
grace, that ever have yow in his hooly keping, and grante yow
right goode lyf and longe. Also, brother, for as muche as me semeth
hit were expedient that my lorde see this letter, and redde hit, I
beseche yow, as I truste yow entierly, that, yf you seme it be to doo,
ye wol, at goode Iay3er, shewe hit til his lordeship, and clerely cer-
tiffie me, by your nexte letter, what he wol say thertoo, and how he
taketh it.
XVIII. (4).
A LETTER PROM - - TO RICHARD BOKELAND.
MY right worshipfull maister, I recommende me unto yow as
humbly and entierly, with all myn herte, as that I can or best maye;
thanking yow, in as muche as that in any wise I suffice, of youre
goodely letters that it hath liked youe to send me at this tyme ; the
whiche I have received, unto my greet comforte. And, as touching
the hevynesse that my lorde of Warrewik ha the unto yow, my lorde
hath spoken unto hym therof, before this (as he hath tolde me); and
praied him that he wold be [to] youe good lorde, at the reverence of
him, and by contemplacion of his prayere; and remoeve his saidc
hevynesse from yowe. And nowe he writeth unto hym also right
tenderly thereof, and,*as that ye see that he doeth, ye may writen
agenn (and it like youe) and I shall enfourme my lord therof, that
he may therupon write eftersoones unto him, yf that nede be. [And]
as unto [that] ye wolde be certiffied by my lorde, howe that he
wolde that ye shulde demene yow in the payments that [ye] shall
make unto my saide lorde of Warrewik, my lorde saith, that he wol
that ye gouvern yow unto hym, in making of youre said payments,
in such wise, as that ye owe to doo of right, and as that goode feith
CAMD. SOU. G
42 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OP
and conscience wolde, tendering him in asmuche as that ye goodely
may. As anendeth the convention that shulde be betwix my lorde
and the Due of Bretaigne, my lorde hath appointed hit to be at
Rouen, the xx day of May nexte comyng; but wheder that the
saide Due wol agree him therunto or not, my lorde is not yet
plainely certiffied alweys; and it [he] wolde, I shall doo as muche
in youre mater as that lyeth in my powaire, with all the help
that I may geete, truly and in good feith. And as unto tidinges
of thees parties [parts], I have enfourmed the berer of thees of
all suche as that we han here, and prayed him for to make yow
reporte therof. Hit were right nedefull and expedient that my
lorde of Salisbury were here, for this same day my lorde hath
tithinges from my lorde Talbot, that thenemys been assembled, and
wol, within thes x dayes, leye siege unto Laval, or to sum other
place. My Right Worshipfull, etc.
XIX. (5).
A LETTER FROM RICHARD BOKELAND TO RICHARD WYDVILE.
RIGHT worshipful Cousyn, etc. like it yow to wite, that my lorde
of Bedford wrote late a letter to my lord of Warrewik, for to remeve
his displesaunce anenst my personne, touching his discharge of [the]
Capitaineship of Caleys, the which letter, whann hit was presented
unto my said lorde of Warrewik, he saide, as I -am enfourmed, that
ye had be besy to excuse youreself unto his lordeship, and surmitted
the defaulte hooly upon Lowys John and me; the whiche nojtwith-
standing, he hathe yow never the more excused, as it is saide.
Saying also, more over, that other he hathe, or hathe seyn, a letter
that the saide Lowis John and I shulde have writen to yow against
his lordeship, yn that matier; the which I cannot suppos yn yow,
HENRY V. AND HENUY VI. 43
Cousyn, treuly; fFor hit sliulde be to me to greet mervaile, yf it so
were. For God knoweth that, yf a cas felle, that touched my wor-
ship, or the contrarye, as muche as were possible, I durste right well
disclose hit unto yow, as for truste of trouthe and secretness, as muche
as to any personne liffyng. And, treuly, I can not remembre me,
that ever I wrote to yow any thing that sliulde cause my saide lorde
of Warrewyk to be thus displesed towardes my personne ; but in
writyng, worde, and dede [I have] geven cause the contrary, at all
tymes; ever desiring yow to be the mene, that I might stand under
the favour of his goode lordeship. Also, Cousyn, my lorde of Warre-
wik is appointed to have the King in gouvernaunce ; the manere
and fourme I can not certiffie yow.
XX.
A LETTER FROM R. B., A MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF THE
DUKE OF BEDFORD, EXCUSING HIMSELF FROM COMING TO
PARHAM ON THE GROUND OF IMPORTANT BUSINESS CON-
CERNING THE DUKE HIS MASTER.
THREE personages are named in this letter, the Duke of Bedford, Regent of
France, Sir John Salvayne, and Fulthrop. The Duke of Bedford was Regent
of France from the death of Henry the Fifth (1422) until his own death
(1435), and Sir John Salvayne died in 1432. Therefore this letter was writ-
ten between the years 1422 and 1432. The writer, R. B., who was a member
of the Council of the Duke of Bedford, I conceive to have been Richard Boke-
land, Treasurer of Calais, a strong adherent of that prince, and one of his exe-
cutors. I find that Robert the sixth Lord Willoughby d'Eresby, a distin-
guished captain in the French wars, was at this time owner of Parham in
Suffolk, and he is twice mentioned by Hall in connection and close association
with the Duke of Bedford and Sir John Salvayne. a I think, therefore, that it
Hall, pp. 121 and 163.
44 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
may be assumed, that it was to him the letter was written. Parham in Suffolk was
erected in 1547 into a barony in favour of a descendant of Robert Lord Willoughby
d'Eresby, who took the title of Lord Willoughby of Parham. Parham was the
family seat until the end of the 17th century, when the property was sold to
John Currance or Corrance, esq. of Rendlesham, whose descendant is the pre-
sent owner. A Sir John Fulthorpe is also mentioned by Hall 8 as having been
with the Duke, Lord Willoughby, and Sir John Salvayne, at the siege of
Lagny near Paris (11 H. VI.). Sir John Salvayne was the second son of Sir
Gerard Salvayne of Herswell and North Duffield, county Durham, and he
died 19th of January, 1432. The family of Salvin still flourishes in the county
palatine of Durham. What the matters were affecting the Duke of Bedford
and Sir John Salvayne, to which the letter refers, cannot now, it may be fairly
presumed, be ascertained.
MY right worshipfull lorde and noble lorde, I recommend me unto
youre goode lordeshipp, with my trewe hert and service. And please
yow to understande, that I have received your worshipfull letters, by
the bringer herof. By the which letters ye wol me to be with yow,
at Parham, the xxii day of Cristenmasse, for a certaine matter
touching Sir John Salvayn, as in youre said letters is more plainely
expressed. Touching the which youre desire, like it youre Lordeshipp
to wite, that my lorde of Bedford, Regent of the Reaume of Fraunce,
hath late yeven in commandement by his letters to his counssail in
this lande, and soo to me amongs other of his servants here, that we
shulde mete to gederes atte London, upon ffridaye nexte after the
date of this letter, for certaines chargeable matiers conserving [con-
cerning?] his high and noble astate. Atte which tyme I muste of
verraye necessitee be ther present with other of my saide lorde is
[his] counssaile, after his commandement. And also hit standeth soo
that Fulthrop, withouten whoom the saide matiers might not
precede to an effectual conclusion, is not here present, soo that I
may not fulfill youre entencion, as to be with yow at the saide xxij
day, like as my desire were in that and in all other to obbey youre
commandement. Wherfore I beseche youre goode lordeshippe to
Hall, p. 163.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 45
have me excused as of my commyng to Parham at this tyme, con-
sidering the forsaid causes. And that it like you, my lorde, for the
greet truste that the said Sir John Salvayn hathe in youre goode
lordeshipp, that ye wol appointe suche of your counssail as yow
liketh to be here atte the begynnyng of this terme, with soufficeant
powaire and instruccion, for to conclude the saide matiere, with
Godd's grace. Atte which tyme I suppos Fulthrop wolbe here,
and I truste to God that we shall soo demene us in that mater, as
youre lordeshipp shalbe plesed, as ferre as longeth to the partie of
Sir John Salvayne, etc. K. B.
XXI.
A LETTER FROM J. B. TO THE OFFICER HOLDING THE SUBSIDY
OF THE WOOLS (PROBABLY) AT CALAIS.
I judge this letter to have been written by John Duke of Bedford, Regent
of France, and during the early part of the reign of Henry VI. I have no
means of more accurately determining its date.
TRUSTY and welbiloved, We greet you often tymes well. And
for as much as Kichard Bokeland, tresorer of Caleys, ys assigned to
receive by youre handes, [out] of the remennj [remainder] of the
subside of the wolles C 11 ., for money which he lent to the Kinge :
We wolle and praye yow, that ye see he be paied, and content of
the seid some, in the haste that ye may goodly receiving of hym a
toale [tale ?] thereof, for youre discharge. And Gode have youe in
his keping. Writen, etc. J. B.
46 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
XXII.
A ROYAL LETTER TO THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN OF LONDON,
RECOMMENDING A CLERK FOR THE NEXT AVOIDANCE OF
THE PARISH CHURCH OF ST. PETER IN CORNHILL.
THE Church of St. Peter Cornhill was one of the most ancient in the city of
London, perhaps in England. It was burnt in the Great Fire in 1666, but was
rebuilt. The manor of Leaden-Hall, with the appurtenances, and the advow-
son of St. Peter's Cornhill, was in 1411 confirmed by Richard Whittington and
others, citizens of London, to the Corporation of London, and they have been
patrons of the Church ever since. I have not found any incumbent during the
reign of Henry VI. whose initials were T. B., nor have I any means of deter-
mining the date of this letter.
TRUSTY and welbeloved, We grete you wel. And for as moch as
we be enfourmed that the Paroish chirch of Saint Petre in Corne-
hull is like, withinne shorte tyme, to voide, wherof ye be patrons, as it
is said. We therfore, havyng consideracion unto the vertues and
konnyng which be reported unto us to be and rest in the personne
of o r welbeloved Thomas B., whoom the paroisshiens of the said pa-
roish have in greate tendrenesse, for the good conversacion that he
long tyme hathe beknowen amongst theym to be of, pray you
affectuously that, at reverence and contemplacion of us, ye wol have
hym unto the said benefice, at such tyme as hit shal nexte voide,
before all other especiall recommended. Wherinne ye shall do unto
us, etc.
To the Mair and Aldermen of London.
XXIII.
A LETTER TO THE ABBOT OF ABINGDON.
THE vicarage of St. Aldate's Oxford was formerly in the alternate presenta-
tion of the Abbots of Abingdon and St. Frideswide's Abbey, now Christ Church.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 47
It afterwards came to the Crown, and was bestowed by Charles I. on Pembroke
College, by which college it has been lately sold to Mr. Simeon's trustees.
There does not appear to be any record of the presentation of Kobert Mark-
ham either at Christ Church or at Lincoln, in which diocese Oxford formerly
was.
BY THE KJNGE.
TRUSTY and welbelovyd in God, we greet yow wel, and late yow
wite, that we be enformed how the chirch of Saint Aides, withinne
oure Universite of Oxon, being of yo r patronage, is voide or like
hastely to void, by the decesse of thincumbent of the same. Wher-
fore we, considering the vertueux cunnyng and goode zeal and dis-
posicion, that, as we be enformed, resten in the personne of oure
welbeloved Maister Kobert Markham, desire and hertely praye you
that, at the reverence of us, ye wol have him unto the saide chirche
if it be voide, or at suche tyme as hit shall nexte void, especially
recommended. Wherinne ye shall doo unto us good pleasure.
Yeven, &c. the xxvi day of Feverer.
Thabbot of Abyndon.
XXIV.
A LETTER FROM ONE OF DUCAL RANK, RESPECTING JEWELS OF
HIS IN PAWN TO MERCHANTS AT BRUGES.
I can only conjecture that the writer of this letter, who was of ducal rank, and
who had lately lost his wife, may have been the Duke of Bedford, whose first
wife Anne, sister to the Duke of Burgundy, died at Paris the 13th or 14th
November, 1432. He married again 20th April, 1433. The Duke was at this
time Captain of Calais, and perhaps the letter was addressed to Richard Boke-
land, who was still Treasurer of Calais. The pawning of jewels by persons of
high rank was very common in the 15th century. I can discover nothing
respecting the Flemish merchants, Carles Giles and Johan Martyn. If I am
right in my conjecture as to the writer of this letter, it would have been written
between November 1432 and April 1433.
48 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
EIGHT trusty and welbelovyd, We grete yow well; and for as
moche as it hathe liked cure blessed Createure [Creator] , now late to
take oute of this worlde unto his pardurable blisse, as we truste, oure
wif the Duchesse that was, whoos soule God assoille ; wherethorough
we have greet nede to recovere oure Joialux, and hire beyng yet in
Bruges, with and in the handes of Carles Giles and Johan Martyn,
Marchaunts of lignes (?) and dwelling in Bruges for the some of 1 l m
ix c iiij. etc. of Flandres, or the value of thayme, as thei be worth in
London. We pray yow hertly that, fore the quityng oute of oure
said Joialux, ye wol, in all goodely haste, doo all youre goode devoir
and possible diligence, taking all oure said Joiaulx hooly into youre
handes and warde, and keping theyme stille unto the tyme that ye
be fully paied and content by us ayein of all youre goode, that ye
shall paye for the said cause. Withoute that ye wol not faille herof
in any wise, as oure truste is unto youe, and as ye desire oure
goode lordshippe ; witting that ye may do us therin bothe worsjiipp
and greet hertsease; and God, etc. Yeven under oure Signett, atte
etc. the daye, etc.
XXV.
A LETTER FROM CARDINAL BEAUFORT TO E. L. B.
Or the four following letters I believe the first and the last (which seems to
be only a fragment) to have been written by Henry Bishop of Winchester,
commonly called Cardinal Beaufort, Cardinal of Winchester and Cardinal of
England. His Roman title was Cardinal of St. Eusebius. The first letter was
addressed to E. L. B.; who wrote the second to the Cardinal, in reply to the
first ; and the third, addressed by E. L. B. to the Duke of Bedford, was sent to
the Cardinal to be delivered to the Duke, and was probably inclosed in the
second. Who E. L. B. was I have no means of ascertaining ; but the tone of
the Cardinal's letter to him and of his reply shews him, I think, to have been a
personage of very high rank. The reader will note the curious present, the
" ampulle " or phial, which E. L. B. sends to the Duke. The fragment which
is all that remains of the fourth letter from the Cardinal to the Duke is an
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 49
instance, as far as it goes, of that singular commixture of business and piety,
which the churchmen of the fifteenth century knew so well how to exhibit.
The letters were certainly written soon after the 23rd June, 1433, when
Richard Chichester, named in the first letter, was presented to his living,*
and before the 14th September, 1435, when the Duke of Bedford died. I
strongly suspect that they were written in July, 1435, just before Cardinal
Beaufort left England to attend the Congress of Arras. The last siege of
Mont St. Michel by the English, where the Cardinal's ship "cleped 'The Mary
of the Toure' " was taken by the Bretons, occurred in 1423. In the Ashmolean
MSS. No. 789, p. 164, is a fragment of a Latin letter, said in the Catalogue to
be from Henry VI. to a certain prelate (ad prcelatum quendam) dated 18th
February, 1437-8, promising tbfe restoration of a ship of his taken at Mont St.
Michel off the coast of Britanny. The prelate was perhaps the Bishop of Win-
chester. I have been unable to discover anything about the Moot Hall (eo
nomine) at Calais, and the shops underneath it. I find, however, in certain
Calais accounts of the year 1439, still extant at the Record Office, mention
made of '* octo shopas in fine occidentali magne aule in foro Cales. b " Perhaps
Thomas Christopher's shops, which the Cardinal promises to " see unto," were
amongst these.
HIGH and mighte, and my full noble Lorde, I recommend me
unto yower good lordeship, in as humble wise as I can, or may, in
any wise; desiring (as I am full moche beholden) to wite of the
welfare and prosperities of youre high and noble estate, the whiche
I beseche our Lorde alwaies governe and preserve, after his pleasaunt
wolle, and your owen noble desires. Signiffiing unto your said
lordeshippe, that I have received your worshipfull letters^ by the
which ye comaunde me, that I shulde see unto certaines shoppes
that youre Squier Thomas Xtofer hathe within the toune of Caleys ;
and to lete theym to ferme to his moste proffit, etc. touching the
whiche your comaundement, as well in that mater as in all othir ?
that is possible to me to execute, I shall, with Godd's grace, doo
such diligence, as youre seid lordeshippe shalbe pleased, I hoope;
* Bishop Laey's Register, vol. ii. fo. 79. I have to thank Mr. John Carew of Exeter
for his kindness in examining the Bishop's Register, which has enabled me to determine
the date of these letters. See also Pole's Devon, pp. 384 and 524.
b Accounts of Ro. Whityngham, Treasurer of Calais (17 H. VI).
CAMD. SOC. H
50 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
and, if ther be any thing, there or elles where, that ye wott of, yo r
lordeshippe comaunde me, youre servant, and [I] alweys shall
be redy to obey youre noble comaundements, to my powaire. Upon
Friday nexte, I am purposed, with Godd's grace, to departe out of
this toune towards Caleis, and, soone after my comyng thither, other
[either] to ride my self, or to send, unto my Lorde the Regent of
France, to pursue for restitution of my shippe, that was late taken in
the Kinges service ; beseeching youre good and gracious lordeshippe,
that yow like to write unto my forseid Lorde youre letters of reco-
mendation, for the better expedicion of my pursuite in that partie.
Ferthermore, my Lorde, ther is a good frende of myne, oon Richard
Chichestre, a clerc with my lorde the Bishop of Excestre, late pre-
sent to a chirche called Litiltory, a within the dioces of Excestre;
and the seid clerke is institute and induct in corporal possession.
The which chirche is within the taxe, as my maister Clerc of the
Rolles certified you, by a bill under his seall. Like it unto youre
seid lordeshippe, I beseche yow, my lorde, to graunt to the forseid
Richard a ratification of the forseid chirche, for the fortiffication of
his title, and possession in the same. High and myghte, and my
full noble Lorde, I beseche the Blessed Trinitee have yow ever in
his holy keping, and grante yow right goode lyf and longe.
H. W re .
XXVI.
A LETTER FROM E. L. B. TO CARDINAL BEAUFORT.
RIGHT dere and welbelovd Cousin, We grete yow well ; Doyng youe
to wite, that we have sent yow a letter, to be take unto my Lorde of
Bedford; whiche we praye yow to take hym, other elles [or else]
The name of the parish to the church of which Richard Chichester was presented is
Little Torrington (Torrington Parva) Little Torrinton or Little Toryton. See Bishop
Lacy's Reg. vol. ii. fo. 79; Pole's Devon, pp. 384, 524.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 51
that ye ordaine that it be take to hym, after youre discrecion. Also
we have sent yow an ampulle, which we praye yow to approve, in
presence of my lorde forsaid, and take him, in oure name. No
more; but Allmightie gode save yowe, and encres yow unto his
worship.
E. L. B.
XXVII.
A LETTER FROM E. L. B. TO JOHN DUKE OF BEDFORD.
UNTO the Right High, "Worthie, Right Mightie, and noble Prince,
my right douted Lorde the Due of Bedford, Regent of France.
Right trustie and welbeloved, We grete you well ofte tymes.
And for as muche as oure welbelovyd Squier, Thomas Christopher,
hath, within the toune of Caleys, certaines shoppes, undernethe the
Mootehall, whiche were wonte to yelde hym x marcs of rent by
yere; and it is now soo, that this three [years] passed, and moo, he
had not therof but vii. nobles, as he saith ; we praye yow hertely
that, considered that the said Christopher may not goodly be oute of
our service, at this tyme, ne en tend [attend] to the better gover-
nance of his said rent; ye" wol, at reverence of us, and throw con-
templacion of these our prayers, ordeine soo for lettyng of the said
shoppes, as oure greet truste is unto yow, that they may be of as
great avayle unto hym, yf it be possible as we trust hit shall wele,
thorowe youre good pollicie and governance as they have be here
to fore. And soo, in all wise, pourveying therfore, to his prouffite,
as ye wolde doo and they were youre owen. And, moreover, that ye
woll receive of oon Thomas Hende, a servant of the staple, vm u .,
which is due unto oure seid Squier, by an obligacion (as he saith)
by the seid Hende ; whiche obligacion is in the keping of Jankyn
Loundey of Caleys, or of his wyf. And for as muche as the same
52 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
Loundcy hath had the governance of the seide shoppes all these iii.
yere and more, yelding no more unto oure seid Squier bote, etc.
hit were his entent that ye shulde take accomptes of the same
Loundey , and receive of hym that ye fynde due ; and answere oure
seid Squier thereof. In which thing ye shall doo us right greet
pleasure; and God have youe in his keping, etc. Writen, etc.
XXVIII.
A LETTER FROM CARDINAL BEAUFORT TO JOHN DUKE OF
BEDFORD.
HIGH and mightie Prince, my full noble and full gracious Lprde,
I recommend me unto your good and gracious lordeship, in the most
lowly wise that I can or may, yn any wise. Desiryng full entirely,
as a trew servant oweth of duetee til his lorde, to wite of the wel-
fare and prosperite of youre noble astate, the which I beseche hertely
Almighty god preserve and encres, in the best wise that other can
be wished or desired. And, for as muche as it is knowen unto your
lordeship, as I suppose, that, by auctoritee and commandement of
yow, my gracious lorde, a shippe of myne cleped The Mary of the
Toure, was arested to doo the King service and yow, atte the siege
of Mont Saint Michel, and there abode truly in the Kyngs service,
and was taken by certaines enemys, Bretons, unto right greet losse
and harmyng of me youre poure man
XXIX.
A LETTER TO THE ABBOT OF WESTMINSTER.
THE patronage of St. Magnus, at the foot of London Bridge, was formerly and
down to the dissolution of religious houses in Henry the Eighth's time, in the
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 53
Abbot and Convent of Westminster and the Abbot and Convent of Bermond-
sey, who presented alternately. Queen Mary, in 1554, gave it to Bonner
Bishop of London, and to his successors, with whom it still remains. This
letter was written by the King, between 1434 and 1444, and does not appear
to have been successful. The name of Thomas Gascoigne is not to be found
in the list of Rectors, tempore Hen. VI. published by Newcourt. Thomas
Gascoigne was four times Chancellor of Oxford,* but on not one of those
occasions was there a vacancy at St. Magnus, at which the Abbot of West-
minster could have presented. The King had been misinformed. Newcourt
remarks, on the authority of Wood, of this Thomas Gascoigne, that, although
he was a man of great eminence and worth, he was never offered any church
preferment of any kind. b This seems, from this letter, not to have been lite-
rally true.
TRUSTY and welbeloved in God, We grete, etc. And for asmoche
as the paroissh chirch of St. Magnes (Magnus) in London is now
voide by the decesse of the last incumbent of the same, and beying
to youre disposicion, as hit is said, We, considerynge the vertues
[and] greet conyng of our trusty and welbeloved chapeleyn, M. T.
Gascoigne, Doctor in Theologie, and Chauncellor of our Universite of
Oxon, desire and praye you hertly that, at reverence of us, and
namely for contemplacion of his merites, ye woll have hym espe-
cially recommended unto the said benefice, before all other; wherinne
ye shall worshipfully dispose the said chirch unto the pleasir of God,
as we trust, and, over [beyond] that, do unto us right good pleasir.
Yeven, etc.
To Thabbot of Westminster.
In 1434, 1442, 1443, and 1444, Antiq. Oxon. (Gutch) iv. pp. 45, 48, 49, and 50.
b Newc. Rep. vol. i. p. 525, note d. Thomas Gascoigne is said to have been some
time a commoner of Oriel. He presented books to this and other colleges at Oxford, but
chiefly to Lincoln College. At Lincoln College is Gascoigne's Theological Dictionary,
still remaining in manuscript, a work continually quoted, and which appears to be
replete with information respecting the English Church of the 15th century. A volume
of the Harl. MSS. (No. 6949) is full of extracts from this work.
54 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
XXX.
A MANDATE FROM THE KING TO THE LORD PRIVY SEAL, COM-
MANDING HIM TO DIRECT LETTERS TO THE LORD CHAN-
CELLOR OF ENGLAND, THAT HE ISSUE A CONGE D'ELIRE TO
THE PRIOR AND CONVENT OF THE MONASTERY OF READING,
ON THE DEATH OF THOMAS HENLEY, THE LAST ABBOT
THEREOF.
THOMAS HENLEY was abbot of Reading from 1430 to llth November, 1445.
The conge d'elire is dated the 13th November, 24 Hen. VI. (1445). The
election of John Thome took place 7th January, 1446. The Lord Chancellor
was John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Bishop of Salisbury, who
confirmed John Thorn in his post of Abbot, was William Ascough, afterwards
murdered. All Berkshire was at this time within the diocese of Salisbury.
PER KEGEM.
SINCERE DILECTE, Cum monasterium nostrum Radinge per
mortem fratris Thome Henley ultimi Abbatis ibidem sit pastoris solacio
destitutus, supplicaveruntque perinde nobis humiliter et devote
Prior et Conventus ejusdem loci, ut eis alium in ipsorum et dicti
monasterii abbatem licenciam elegendi concedere dignaremur, sicuti
per literas suas patentes sigillatas, quas vobis presentibus mittimus
interclusas, plenius poterit apparere : Nos igitur, eorum supplicationi
in ea parte favorabiliter inclinati, licenciam ipsam duximus conce-
dendam. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod sub privato sigillo nostro
WELLBELOVED, Whereas our monastery of Reading by the death of Bro-
ther Thomas Henley, the last Abbot thereof, is deprived of the comfort of a
pastor, and the Prior and Convent of the same place have prayed us humbly
and devoutly that we will deign to grant them leave to elect another Abbot of
their said monastery, as by their letters patent sealed, which we send inclosed
within these presents, may more fully appear : We, therefore, being favourably
inclined to their supplication in that behalf, have thought fit to grant them
the said licence. Therefore we command you that ye cause to be made letters
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 55
literas super hoc nostras Cancellario nostro Anglie dirigendas in
forma debita fieri faciatis. Et presentes litere nostre vobis erunt
sufficientes in warrantum. Dat. sub signeto nostro in palacio nostro
Westm. xiii. die Novembris anno, etc. xxiiii 10 .
XXXI.
A MANDATE FROM THE KING TO THE LORD PRIVY SEAL, SIG-
NIFYING THE ROYAL ASSENT TO THE ELECTION OF JOHN
THORN AS ABBOT OF READING.
PER REGEM.
SINCERE DILECTE, Vacante nuper Monasterio Radinge per mor-
tem fratris Thome de Henlee ultimi Abbatis ibidem : Prior et Con-
ventus dicti monasterii,petita de nobis in ea parte,ut est moris,licencia
pariter et obtenta, fratrem Johannem Thorn Sacre Theologie Bacalla-
reum in eorum dicti monasterii abbatem per viam Spiritus Sancti
concorditer et unanimiter elegerunt, prout per literas eorundem
Prioris et Conventus, quas vobis transmittimus presentibus interclusas,
plenius poterit tipparere. Nos igitur, dictam eleccionem merito ac-
under our privy seal in this matter, the same to be directed to our Chancellor
of England in due form. And these our present letters shall be your sufficient
warrant. Given under our signet, in our Palace at Westminster, 13th day of
November, in the 24th year of our reign.
WELLBELOVED, Whereas our monastery of Eadinge being lately vacant
by the death of Brother Thomas de Henlee, the last Abbot there, the Prior
and Convent of the said monastery, having besought us in that behalf, as is
usual, to grant our licence (which they obtained), have, with the assistance
of the Holy" Ghost, unanimously elected Brother John Thorn, S.T.B., to be
abbot of their said monastery, as by the letters of the same Prior and Convent,
which we send you inclosed within these presents, may more fully appear.
56 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OP
ceptantes, dicte eleccioni et electo regium nostrum assensum adhibe-
mus cum favore. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod literas super hoc nos-
tras Cancellario nostro Anglie dirigendas sub private sigillo nostro in
forma debita et consueta fieri faciatis ; et hec litere nostre vobis erunt
sufficientes in warrantum. Datum sub signeto nostro apud etc.
XXXII.
CONFIRMATION OF JOHN THORN AS ABBOT OF READING.
PER REGEM.
SINCERE DILECTE, Sciatis quod Reverendus inChristo pater Wil-
lielmus Sarum Episcopus, per suas patentes literas, quas vobis trans -
mittimus presentibus interclusas, riobis nuper intimavit qualiter ipse
eleccionem fratris J. Thorn monachi in Abbatem monasterii nostri
Radinge, per mortem fratris Thomae Henlee ultimi Abbatis ibidem de-
functi vacantis, electi, adhibita juris solempnitate confirmari, ac eidem
manibus benedictionis impendi fecit, justicia id suadente. Suppli-
cavitque perinde nobis idem Reverendus Pater ut prefatum fratrem
Wherefore we, worthily accepting the said election, do willingly give our royal
consent to the said election and elected [clerk]. And therefore we command
you, that ye cause to be made our letters in that matter to our Chancellor of
England to be directed, under our privy seal, in usual and accustomed form ;
and these our letters shall be unto you sufficient warrant. Given under our
signet at, &c.
WELLBELOVED, Know ye that the Reverend Father in Christ William
Bishop of Sarum, by his letters patent, which we transmit to you inclosed
within these presents, hath lately informed us how he hath caused to be con-
firmed the election of Brother J. Thorn, a monk, as Abbot of our Monastery
of Radinge, vacant by the death of brother Thomas Henlee, the last abbot there,
deceased, with all lawful solemnity thereunto appertaining, and hath blessed him
by the imposition of hands, as was right and just. The same reverend father
hath besought us that we will deign to accept the aforesaid Brother J. chosen,
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 57
J. electura confirmatum ct benedictum acceptare, sibiquc regium
favorem nostrum impendere, ac cetera jura temporalia ad predictum
monasterium nostrum spectancia, juxta morem et consuetudinem
Kegni Anglic, concedere dignaremur. Nos igitur dictam eleccionem
confirmatam et benediccionem ac fidelitatem eidem duximus.
Et ideo vobis mandamus, et cet.
XXXIII.
A LETTER FROM HENRY VI. TO THOMAS BECKINGTON, BISHOP
OF BATH AND WELLS.
THOMAS BECKINGTON was consecrated Bishop of Bath and Wells 13th Octo-
ber, 1443.* John Forrest, Dean of Wells, died the 25th March, 1446, and
appears to have been succeeded for a short time by John Delabere, the King's
Great Almoner, b the person named in the King's letter to Beckington. Some
obscurity hangs over the election of Delabere to the deanery. He seems to
have been opposed by Nicholas Carent, who had a majority of the Canons in
his favour, and who was confirmed by Beckington. Nevertheless the claim
of Delabere to the vacant dignity, which was supported by the royal letter,
and also by a papal bull," appears to have prevailed; but he was never
installed, and, on the 15th September, 1447, Delabere became Bishop of St.
David's. 4 Subsequently he resigned his see." Gascoigne says Delabere was
a very indifferent character. Nicholas Carent succeeded Delabere as Dean of
Wells. I conceive this letter to have been written 29th March, 1446.
BY THE KlNGE.
REVEREND fader in God, &c. We grete yow often tymes wel.
We suppose that ye have wel in remembrance how that at divers
confirmed and blessed (consecrated?) and that We would think fit to* bestow
on him our royal favour, and to grant all other temporal rights relating unto
our said monastery, according to the usage and custom of the realm of England.
We therefore, &c.
Fasti Eccl. Ang. i. 141. Life of Beckington (Nicolas), Ivi. b Fasti, i. 152.
: Phelps's Somerset, ii. 144. d Fasti, i. 298. e Ibid.
CAMD. SOC. I
58 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
tymes herbefore we desired and prayed yow hertly to be goode and
favorable lorde unto oure trusty and welbelovyd clerk Maister J.
Delabere, oure greet Aumsner [Almoner], whensoever the Deanry
of Welles shulde voide; at which tymes ye were well willed and
made ful promesse unto us to doo youre peyne and diligence to the
performyng of oure desire, yf the cas shulde happen ; wherof we cun
yow right good thanke. And, for as moche as the seid Deanry is
now void, by the decesse of M. J. Forest, last incumbent of the
same, We therefore write unto yowe at this tyme, and pray yow, as
hertely as we can, that, in performyng of yo r said promesse, ye wolbe
goode and special lorde, in this matier, unto oure saide clerke, and do
all yo r possible diligence to sollicite yo r brethren Chanons of Welles,
to have hym specially recommended to the seid Deanry, in theire
next elleccion; so 'tenderly and effectuelly acquiting yow herin,
that we may verayly understand that, by oure good mediation, the
saide mater may the rather come to a good conclusion, after then-
tente of this oure special desire, as oure greet truste is in yow; and,
over this, we wol that ye yeve credence unto the bringer herof, in
that he shall secretely open unto yow by oure commandement, in
this behalve. Yeven at Westm r the xxix day, &c.
To the Bishop of Bath.
XXXIV.
A LETTER TO THE LORD SUDELEY, LORD HIGH TREASURER.
SIR RALPH BOTELER, Lord Sudeley, was Lord Treasurer from 1444 to
1447." James (not John) Grysacre ceased to be Escheator for the counties of
Herts and Essex in 1445 (24 Hen. VI.). b This letter was probably written in
that year. The successor of Grysacre was Thomas Scargill ;c John Bourgh
therefore, who was a Yeoman of the Crown, d was unsuccessful.
Parl. Hist. vol. i. b Esch> Acc< Egsex and Hert8 ( Hen . V I.).
c Ibid. a Acts Pt c v 224.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 59
R. TRUSTY, etc. We grete, etc. And for as moch as John Cri-
sacre, late Eschetour of the Countees of Essex and Hertford, is now
passed to God; We, consideryng that o r welbeloved squier and menial
servant John Bourgh is inherited in both the shires, and can and
may do unto us good service in the said occupacion. as hit is said,
wol and praye you hertly that ye wol do your parte, asmoch as in
you is, that our said squier may be deputed to be, at this time, our
Eschetour in the said countees before all other, shewing herinne
your binevolence unto hym, as we may have cause to thank you for
his sake. Yeven, etc.
To the Lorde Seudeley, Tresorer of England.
XXXV.
A MANDATE TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR, RESPECTING THE
ELECTION OF WILLIAM BABYNGTON, D.D., AS ABBOT OF
THE MONASTERY OF ST. EDMUNDSBURY, ON THE DEATH
OF WILLIAM CURTEYS.
WILLIAM CURTEYS was abbot of St. Edmundsbury from 1429 to his death in
1446, when he was succeeded by William Babyngton. During the abbacy of
William Curteys King Henry VI. paid a long visit to the monastery.* The
Lord Chancellor was John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury.
PER EEGEM.
KEVERENDISSIME in Christo pater, nobis confise et sincere
dilecte, Vacante nuper monasterio nostro Sancti Edmundi de Bury
ordinis Sancti Benedicti, Norwicensis dioc., per mortem fratris Will!
BY THE KING.
MOST Reverend Father in Christ, our trusty and wellbeloved, Our monastery
of St. Edmundsbury, of the order of St. Benedict, in the diocese of Norwich,
being lately vacant by the death of brother William Curteys, the last Abbot
Dugd. Mon. iii. 113, 114, 115.
60 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
Curteys ultimi Abbatis ibidem, Prior et Capitulus dicti loci, petita de
nobis in ea parte ut est moris licencia pariter et obtenta, venerabilem
et religiosum virum fratrem Wiftm Babyngton decretorum Doctorem
in ipsorum et dicti monasterii nostri Abbatem, imanimi voluntate et
consensu, uno spiritu et una voce, concorditer elegerunt, prout per
literas eorundem Prioris et Conventus, quas vobis transmittimus pre-
sentibus interclusas, plenius poterit apparere. Nos igitur dictam
eleccionem merito acceptantes, dicte eleccioni et electo Kegium nos-
trum assensum pariter et consensum adhibemus omni favore. Et
ideo mandamus quod literas super hoc nostras sub magno sigillo
nostro, in custodia vestra existente, in forma debita et consuetudine
fieri faciatis. Et hec litere nostre, etc.
XXXVI.
Two MANDATES TO THE CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY OF
LANCASTER, FOR A CONGE D'ELIRE TO ISSUE TO THE PRIOR
AND CONVENT OF WALDEN, ON THE DEATH OF JOHN
HORKESLEY, THE LAST ABBOT THEREOF; AND FOR THE
CONFIRMATION OF THE NEW ABBOT, KICHARD WILESEY.
THE Benedictine Abbey of Walden in Essex, dedicated to St. Mary and St.
James, was founded A.D. 1136 by Geoffrey de Mandeville first Earl of Essex
there, the Prior and Chapter of the said place, having petitioned us in that be-
half, as is customary, for leave (which they have obtained), likewise have
unanimously, and with one consent, mind, and voice, elected that venerable
and religious man, brother William Babington, doctor of decrees, as their Abbot
and of our said monastery, as by the letters of the same Prior and Convent,
which we transmit you inclosed within these presents, will more fully appear ;
We, therefore, accepting with all good will the said election, do give to the
same, and to the elected [abbot], our royal assent and consent. And therefore
we command you that you cause to be made our letters in this behalf under our
great seal remaining in your custody in the usual and customary form. And
these our letters, etc.
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 61
of that family.* Geoffrey endowed it with many possessions, amongst others
with the Hermitage of Hadley (heremitagium de Hadeleya), in the county of
Middlesex, with appurtenances and common of pasture for cattle in his park,
where that hermitage stood (in parco meo in quo heremitagium illud situm
est). b Walden formed part of the inheritance of the Bohuns ; and, on the
partition between Henry the Fifth and Anne Plantagenet, Lady Bourchier,
which took place in 1421, Walden fell to the King, and was incorporated with
the Duchy of Lancaster. Hence it is that this mandate is addressed to the
Chancellor of the Duchy.
On the resignation of Thomas Bennington, 17th Abbot of Walden, on the
13th December, 1438, John Horkesley was instituted by Eobert Gilbert,
Bishop of London. d The date of the death of Abbot Horkesley appears not
to be known ; but, as the mandate next following that event for the institution
of Richard Wilesey, his successor, is addressed to Robert Bishop of London,
who died in 1448, e the death of Horkesley must have occurred either pre-
viously to or in that year. The Chancellor of the Duchy, to whom both man-
dates were addressed, was either Walter Sherington or William Tresham/
Audley End is built upon the site of Walden Abbey. The second mandate is
said to be " given under our signet of the eagle." This is the only occasion
on which I have met with any reference to " the eagle " amongst these
letters.?
PER KEGEM.
SINCERE DILECTE, Cummonasterium de Walden, ordinis Sancti
Benedict!, London, dioc., per mortem fratris Johannis Horkesley
ultimi Abbatis ejusdem, sit pastoris solacio destitutum, supplica-
BT THE KING.
WELL BELOVED, Inasmuch as the Monastery of Walden, of the order of
St. Benedict, within the diocese of London, by the death of brother John
Horkesley, the last Abbot thereof, hath been deprived of the comfort of a
pastor, and the Prior and Convent of the same place have petitioned us by
their letters patent, inclosed within these presents, that we might be pleased to
Morant, vol. ii. p. 548. k Dugd. Mon. iv. 133, 149. Morant. vol. ii. p. 547.
d Stevens's Hist, of Abbeys, vol. i. p. 299. Dugd. Mon. iv. 135. Newcourt, vol. ii. 623.
e Fasti Eccl. Angl. vol. ii. p. 296. f Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 183.
8 As to the "seal of the eagle," see a note of Sir H. Nicolas in the Index to " Beck-
ington's Journal of an Embassy to the Count of Armagnac," pp. 113 and 129, and the
authorities there referred to.
62 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
verunt nobis Prior et Conventus ejusdera loci, per literas suas patentes,
presentibus interclusas, quatenus alium ipsorum, [et] dicti monas-
terii, Abbatem licenciam elegendi eis concedere dignaremur; Nos,
eorum supplication! favorabiliter inclinati, dictam licenciam duximus
concedendam ; et ideo vobis mandamus quod hanc super hoc, sub
sigillo nostro ducatus nostri Lancastrie, in forma debita, fieri fa-
ciatis. Et presentes litere nostre vobis erunt sufficientes in war-
rantum. Dat. etc.
PER REGEM.
SINCERE DILECTE, Cum, nupervacantemonasterio Sancti Jacobi
de "Walden, London, dioc., per mortem fratris Johannis Horkysley,
ultimi Abbatis ejusdem, petitaque a nobis per eos prout decuit licencia
eiset eidem monasterio alium elegendi in Abbatem et per nos concessa,
religiosum virum fratrem Rlcardum Wilesey priorem monasterii sui
predict! in suum et dicti monasterii sui Abbatem concorditer elege-
runt et pastorem, ac eundem fratrem Ricardum suum, ut premit-
titur, electum nobis per Willimum Barnwell suum confratrem et
comonachum procuratorem suum sufficienter et libere per eos in
grant them licence to elect another as their Abbot of the same monastery ; We,
being favourably inclined to their supplication, held that the said licence
ought to be granted ; and therefore we command you that hereupon ye cause
the same to be made out under the seal of our Duchy of Lancaster in due
form. And for this, these our present letters shall be your sufficient warrant.
Given, &c.
BY THE KING.
WELL BELOVED, The Monastery of St. James of Walden, in the diocese of
London, being lately vacant by the death of brother John Horkysley, the last
Abbot thereof, and they (i.e. the monastery) having duly besought us to grant
unto them our licence to elect another Abbot for the same monastery, and
it having been conceded by us, they have with one accord elected the
religious man brother Richard Wilesey, the prior of the same monastery,
to be the Abbot and pastor of the said monastery, and they have presented
to us the same brother Richard, elected as aforesaid, by William Barn-
HENRY V. AND HENRY VI. 63
parte constitutum presentaverunt ; prout per has suas patentes, quas
vobis mittimus hiis interclusas, plenius poterit apparere; Nos, per-
sonam dicti electi recommendatam habentes, et predicte eleccioni
sue nostrum consensum regium liberaliter impendentes, vobis man-
damus quod, sub sigillo nostro Ducatus nostri Lancastrie in vestra
custodia existente, literas nostras pro confirmacione ejusdem Reve-
rendo in Christo patri Roberto Dei gratia London. Episcopo eorum
ordinario in debita forma fieri faciatis. Et presentes literae nostre
vobis erunt sufficientes in warrantum. Dat. sub nostro agle signeto.
Cancellario nostro Ducat, nostri Lancast.
XXXVII.
A LETTER FROM THE KING TO JAMES LORD BERKELEY.
THIS letter is addressed to James Lord Berkeley, nephew and heir to Tho-
mas 12th Baron Berkeley," who died in 1416, leaving an only daughter and
heir Elizabeth, who married Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. As next
heir male to the last Baron, James Lord Berkeley claimed Berkeley Castle,
but was dispossessed by the Earl of Warwick and his wife, who, although Lord
James was found to be the rightful inheritor, still kept possession of the castle
against him, nor did they give it up until commanded to do so by King Henry
the Fifth. a After the death of the King, Lord Warwick again laid siege to
Berkeley Castle, and, although, by the interposition of the Bishop of Worces-
ter and sundry gentlemen of the county, he raised the siege, many lives were
well, his brother and fellow monk, his proxy sufficiently and freely con-
stituted in that behalf, as by these their letters patent, which we send you
inclosed, may more fully appear; We, having the person of the said elected
person recommended unto us, and freely giving our royal consent to his said
election, command you that, under our seal of our Duchy of Lancaster remain-
ing in your custody, ye cause to be made our letters for the confirmation of
the same to the Reverend Father in Christ Robert by the grace of God Bishop
of London, their ordinary, in due form. And these our present letters shall be
unto you sufficient warrant. Given under our signet of the eagle.
To our Chancellor of our Duchy of Lancaster.
11 Twelfth Baron by tenure, fifth Baron by writ. (Nicolas.)
G4 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OF
lost. Through the intervention of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester matters
were arranged, and Jaines Baron Berkeley was summoned to Parliament, and
continued to be summoned until 1 Edw. IV. 1461 . His life appears to have been
very far from a quiet one, and he was involved in continual suits, contentions,
and quarrels with the three daughters of the Earl of Warwick. Of these
Margaret, the eldest, wife of John Talbot, the great Earl of Shrewsbury, was
the most violent. She surprised Berkeley Castle, carried off Lord James and
his four sons to Bristol, where she kept them in prison for eleven weeks until
they bound themselves to pay 12,280Z. Notwithstanding these and other
exactions, Lord James was not righted. His wife was imprisoned by Lord
Shrewsbury at Gloucester until her death in 1452, and two of his sons were
forcibly sent abroad, where one (James) died in battle, and the other (Tho-
inas) was taken prisoner. Lady Shrewsbury was able to keep Lord James for
two years out of Berkeley Castle " and out of the lands and lordships thereto
belonging, in the meantime making great spoil and waste upon them." The
whole story is detailed in Dugdale's Baronage (vol. i. pp. 36 1-363), and I have
abridged it, in order to give the reader an idea of the state of society in Eng-
land in the 15th century. Lord Warwick died in 1439, Lord Shrewsbury in
1453. I cannot affix a date to the letter; but, powerful as both these noble-
men were at the court of Henry VI. it is not too much to suppose that it may
have been obtained by one of them as a further means of inflicting injury on
Lord Berkeley. This nobleman, who, though much sinned against, was not
wholly sinless, b died in November 1463, and is buried under a tomb of alabas-
ter in a chapel on the south side of the high altar in the parish church at
Berkeley, which chapel he built. (Dugd. Bar. i. 364.)
BY THE KlNGE.
EIGHT trusty and welbelovyd, We late yow wite that, unto oure
greet displesir, we have late understande of the greet attemptats that
certain yo r servants,' and suche other as be drawyng unto yow, have
late made, and cesse not yet to make, as hit is saide ; which, if they be
a See Acts of Privy Council, vol. ii. p. 286.
b On being served with a subpoena to appear in Chancery, he not only beat one IJavid
Woodburne, the process-server, ' but will he nill he inforced the said David to eat the
subpoena, wax and parchment.' Smythe*s Lives of the BerTceleys, in Fosbroke's Berkeley
MSS. p. 152. It would have been more tolerable perhaps if this nobleman had acted as
another contemnor of the Court of Chancery, one Henry Parramore,*did, about 150 years
later. It is recorded of him that he compelled one Pyers Thomas to eat the label of a
writ, and ' then sent for drinkefor him, which he cawsed him to drinlce, with cromes of bread
in the same: See AberfvrOu v. Hall, 25 May, 1598. Reg. Lib. B. 1597. fo. 829.
HENRY V. AND HENUY VI. 65
not hastily seen unto and remedied, been likely to turne to greet
inconvenients and manslaughter, that God defende ; wherfore we, con-
sideringe the premisses, charge yow straitly upon your liegeance that
ye commande youre servants, and suche other as be drawyng unto
yow, to cesse, and that ye see also that no thing be attempted, which
might turne to the breche of oure paix, as ye wol answere unto us,
at yo r peril. And furthermore we charge yow that, immediate after
the receyving of these oure letters, ye comme unto oure presence, as
ye wol eschewe our displesir. Yeven at Westm r , the laste day of
Fever r . etc.
To the Lorde Berkeley . a
a The following letter was written by Lady Berkeley to her husband, while absent from
him in London :
" To my right worshipful and reverend Lord and Husband be these delivered.
" RIGHT WORSHIPFUL AND REVEREND LORD AND HUSBAND,
" I recommend me to you, with all my whole hart, desiring alwayes to hear of your
good welfare, the which God mayntayne and encrease ever to your worship; and it please
you to hear how I fare, Sir, squall and squall. Thomas, Roger, and Jacket have asked
surety of peace of mee, for their intent was to bringe me into the Towre; but, I trust in
God, to-morrowe they shall go in bayle unto the next term, and soe to goe home, and then
to come agayne; and, Sur, I trust to God and you will not treat with them, but keep
your own in the most manlyest wyse; yee shall have the land for ones, and
was ware of Venables, of Alderly, of Thomas Mull, and all your false counsaill. Keep
well your place. The Earl of Shroesbury lyeth right nigh by you, and shapeth all the
wyles that he can to distresse you and yours, for he will not meddle with you openly no
maner wise, but to be with great falsdome, that he can bringe about to beguile you, or else
he causeth that yee have to fewe peopull about you ; then will he set on you ; for he sayeth
I will never come to the King agayne till he have done you an ill turne. Sur, your
matter speedeth, and right well, save my costeth great good. For the reverence
of God, send money, or else I must lay my horse to pledge, and come home on my fete.
Keep well all about you till I come home, and trete not without mee, and then all things
shall be well, with the grace of Almighty God, who have you in his keeping. Written at
London, the Wednesday next afore Whitsunday.
" Your Wife the Lady of Berkeley."
(Fosbroke, Berkeley Manuscripts, p. 153.)
CAMD. SOC.
66 LETTERS DURING THE REIGNS OP
XXXVIII.
A LETTER FROM KING HENRY VI. TO HIS AGENT AT ROME,
RESPECTING WlLLIAM WESTKARRE, DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY.
WLLLIAM WESTKARRE, D.D. and Canon regular of St. Mary's Oxford, was
commissary or deputy of the Chancellor in 1442, 1443, 1444, and 1445. In
the last year he was senior resident Theologus and Cancellarius Natus, a and
in that capacity exercised all the j urisdiction of the Chancellor of the Univer-
sity during a vacancy of that office.b If, as is most likely, the King's letters
to the Pope, and to his agent at Rome, were written at this period, the Pope
would be Eugenius the Fourth, who was Pope from 1431 to 1447, and the
agent either Vincent Clement, the friend of Bishop Beckington, and also of
Bishop Pecocke, c or Richard Chester, one of the King's Chaplains, both of
whom were dispatched to Rome about this time. The term " in Court ." (in
Curia) meant, in the language of the day, " in Curia Romana," or simply " at
Rome. "
BY THE KING.
TRUSTY and welbeloved, we grete you well; lating you wite, that
we write our lettres unto our holy fader, at this tyme, for our trusty,
etc. Maister William Westkerr [Westkarre] Doctour of Theologie,
as by the copy of the same cure lettres, which we sende unto you
here enclosed, ye may understande the mater more at large. Wher-
fore we wol and praye you, in as moch as we greetly tendre the same
mater, that ye, taking with you such of oure subgietts, being in Court,
as shalbe thought unto you behovefull, in that partie, presente the
same our lettres unto his Holinesse, and doyng firther yor good dili-
gence and labour, unto theffectuell conclusion of our desire, com-
prised in the same. As our singler trust is in you. Yeven, etc.
